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September, 2014 - Week 4

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Missouri

Ferguson Officer Shot; 2 Suspects Wanted

by Jim Salter

A Ferguson police officer was shot in the arm Saturday night after encountering two men at a community center who ran from him and then opened fire during a foot chase, authorities said.

St. Louis County Police Chief Jon Belmar said at a media briefing early Sunday that the officer approached the men around 9:10 p.m. because the community center was closed. As the officer approached, the men ran away. When the officer gave chase, "one of the men turned and shot," Belmar said.

The officer was shot in the arm and is expected to survive, he said. Belmar did not identify the officer or give further details about his condition. He said the officer returned fire but said police have "no indication" that either suspect was shot.

A search was underway for the suspects early Sunday in Ferguson, the St. Louis suburb that's been the scene of racial unrest in the wake of the August shooting death of an unarmed black 18-year-old by a white police officer.

Belmar said he did not think the officer's shooting was related to two separate protests about Michael Brown's shooting that were going on Saturday night around the same time.

Around midnight at the police station, approximately two dozen officers stood near a group of about 100 protesters who mingled on a street corner, occasionally shouting, "No justice; no peace."

Nearby, part of a road was closed in town as police conducted a search for the suspects. Numerous law enforcement agencies were responding, and police helicopters were canvassing the area.

The officer's shooting comes after Ferguson Police Chief Tom Jackson issued a videotaped apology to Brown's family earlier in the week and attempted to march with protesters, an effort that led to a clash with activists and several arrests on Thursday.

Brown's parents told The Associated Press on Saturday they were unmoved by the apology.

Brown's mother, Lesley McSpadden, said, "yes," when asked if Jackson should be fired, and his father, Michael Brown Sr., said rather than an apology, they would like to see the officer who shot their son arrested.

A county grand jury is weighing whether to indict Ferguson officer Darren Wilson in Brown's shooting.

The Justice Department, which is investigating whether Brown's civil rights were violated, is conducting a broader probe into Ferguson police. On Friday, it urged Jackson to ban his officers from wearing bracelets supporting Wilson while on duty and from covering up their name plates with black tape.

Ferguson residents complained about the bracelets, which are black with "I am Darren Wilson" in white lettering, at a meeting with federal officials this week.

Brown's shooting has also focused attention on the lack of diversity in many police departments across the country. In Ferguson, of 53 officers in a community that is two-thirds black, only three are African-American.

Also early Sunday, not far from Ferguson, an off-duty St. Louis city police officer was injured on Interstate 70 when three suspects fired shots into his personal vehicle, a police spokeswoman said.

Schron Jackson said the officer, who has nearly 20 years of experience, was being treated at a hospital for a minor injury to his arm from broken glass. She said there is no reason to believe the two shootings were related.

http://abcnews.go.com/US/wireStory/authorities-police-officer-shot-ferguson-25812247

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Missouri

Ferguson police chief sees need for more officer training

by Koran Addo

Calling the Aug. 9 fatal shooting of Michael Brown a moment that changed his life forever, Ferguson Police Chief Thomas Jackson said Saturday the main thing he can do is strengthen the kind of training his officers receive in the future.

Jackson was joined by about two dozen officers from the county, Missouri Highway Patrol and a few FBI agents at the Greater St. Mark Family Church near Ferguson for what was billed as a community empowerment summit.

Jackson, who sat near the back of the church for most of the meeting, told the crowd of about 80 people that he's had several eye-opening moments since Ferguson police Officer Darren Wilson shot Brown and sparked a nationwide conversation on policing and race.

One of the revelations Jackson said he's learned about is the so-called “talk” black parents often have with their children. The talk, in the black community, is a conversation in which parents tell their children they inherently have strikes against them and that many people will view them as a threat, regardless of character.

“When I got to hear about the talk, that was painful for me to hear,” Jackson said.

He added that he's reached out to law enforcement in Cincinnati, Philadelphia and Sanford, Fla., where there have been similar periods of unrest.

“The main thing is we need to give training that works,” Jackson said. “Our officers need to know how they're perceived in the black community. We need to have a talk about race.”

After the meeting, Jackson confirmed that he has asked law enforcement working in Ferguson not to wear “I am Darren Wilson” bracelets while on duty.

On Friday, Christy Lopez, a deputy chief with the U.S. Justice Department, told Jackson in a letter that residents had photos of officers, from unknown agencies, wearing the bracelets.

In a letter asking that Jackson put a stop to the practice, Lopez said the Justice Department is “aware of the importance of individual expression,” however the bracelets reinforce the divisive “us versus them” mentality that has taken hold in large parts of north St. Louis County.

On Saturday, Jackson said he's asked law enforcement to stop wearing the bracelets while on duty in Ferguson.

“I don't know who it was, or if it was isolated,” he said.

Jackson's comments followed a lengthy discussion in which panelists complained that police treat blacks in poor neighborhoods as less than human.

Nicole Gentry, an officer with the St. Louis County Police Department, said when there's an incident involving police, officers are frequently accused of abusing their power. Meanwhile, people often look the other way at other crimes not involving police that happen more frequently.

Rasheen Aldridge, of Young Activists United, said when it comes to officer-involved incidents, black people consistently feel like they are denied justice compared to other groups.

“I think that's why people are angry,” Aldridge said. “This isn't only about Mike Brown.”

Taurean Russell, with Hands Up United, called Gentry's comparison a false equivalence.

“The law is held to a higher standard because you chose to put on the uniform. You chose to put on that badge,” he said.

Missouri Highway Patrol Capt. Ronald S. Johnson responded to a call from Russell for black officers to weed out the racists in their departments.

Johnson told the crowd that it's unfair to assume that all law enforcement agencies are rife with racists.

St. Louis County Police Chief Jon Belmar said there needs to be a better commitment to build relationships.

“We're never as bad as some people say we are, and we're never as good as we think we are,” Belmar said.

Panelists also discussed calls by some for the hiring of more black police officers.

St. Louis police Officer Regiana Moore, who is black, said the problem starts in some segments of the black community where children are taught from a young age to distrust police.

“We have to bridge that animosity and the hate between police and the community,” Moore said.

A law enforcement job fair held immediately after the panel discussion attracted little attention from the public.

http://www.stltoday.com/news/local/crime-and-courts/ferguson-police-chief-sees-need-for-more-officer-training/article_c087debb-f970-5f6e-bd87-5888c1ee01e0.html

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New Jersey

Military gear for police increases as funding to community-based programs decrease, says professor

by Jason Landay

On Sept. 22, a massive show of force form local police and SWAT in West Deptford had some questioning whether such measures were necessary to bring down a single armed person — someone who had been wanted on a parole violation, and later found to have killed himself.

Others countered that such measures were needed to ensure the safety of not only the officers, but also neighbors and especially the children who were on their way home from school at the time of the standoff.

The story is well known at this point: Last Monday, officers from the U.S. Marshals Service and Gloucester County Prosecutor's Office heard a gunshot outside of a West Deptford home where they planned on serving 24-year-old William Schickel with a parole violation.

At the end of the ensuing 12-hour standoff — involving West Deptford Police, Gloucester County SWAT and a mobile Tactical Command Center from the Deptford Township police department, as well as other agencies from Harrison Township and Rowan University — officers entered the home with the use of robots, and discovered Schickel dead from an apparent suicide.

The fact is, local police departments throughout the state, and the nation, have over the past decade been bulking up with surplus military gear provided by the Department of Defense, as well as the Department of Justice's National Institute of Justice.

According to Louis Tuthill, assistant professor of criminology at Rutgers-Camden — who also works as a research partner with police departments in Camden, Trenton, Vineland, Millville, Bridgeton and Haddon Township — such programs have risen in prominence just as federal funding for community policing and prevention initiatives have dwindled.

That shift, Tuthill said, has come at the detriment to the relationship between police and residents in communities across the country.

"There are programs though the Department of Justice in which law enforcement can get free military surplus equipment," said Tuthill. "At the same time, in the past 10 years since Sept. 11, 2001, there have been cuts at the federal level to community policing, Weed and Seed programs and social programs."

"I think it's a really bad policy," he later added. "As we saw in Ferguson, Missouri, there is a danger when officers aren't properly trained, and there's also the issue with maintaining all of it. Also, what does a law enforcement agency need with armored cars?"

On the other hand, local funding for police departments has also seen decreases, and authorities are trying to fill the gap any way they can.

Cherry Hill Police Chief William Monaghan said his department has received rifles from the Department of Defense for "a number of years."

He said that despite the negative connotations many have developed toward the police use of military gear in the wake of the Ferguson protests, those federal programs can be invaluable to many departments.

"It's unfortunate that the program is under scrutiny now, but it's a good resource," said Monaghan.

During a city council meeting in Woodbury on Aug. 26, residents Sylvia Phillips, Gloria Holmes and Val Robinson came forward, wanting to know what kinds of military gear their local police department has received from through the federal government.

They also wanted to know what the Woodbury police were doing to better connect with city youth and the community as a whole.

The department receives long guns and riot shields, replied Chief Reed Merinuk, who added that his department regularly works with the school district organizing student programs.

However, Holmes at the time was unconvinced about the police's youth outreach.

"I don't see that happening," she said, although all three residents later thanked the department for their work.

According to Tuthill, many police departments in New Jersey, particularly Trenton and Camden, have actually been driving toward a more "community based" model, despite the nationwide trend that favors deterrence.

The professor singled out the Camden County Metro Police and its chief, Scott Thomson, as an example of a department that has mad an effort to better connect itself with the surrounding community.

"You see Scott Thomson and the community policing strategy they have, and using technology as a force multiplier, as well as Trenton, where they identify those most likely to re-commit crimes and get them the necessary social services," said Tuthill. "It's quite a different model — building relationships with the community.

"Sometimes, it's been rough, though, because in many places that relationship hasn't been there, historically," he added. "(Acting New Jersey) Attorney General John Hoffman has put a ton of funding into these kind of community policing programs, from youth violence prevention programs to reaching out to the academic community and social services."

Chief Thomson said his department — which employs more than $4.5 million in surveillance microphones, cameras, license plate readers and other technology — does not receive military hardware from the federal government.

He added that he while police departments may require such gear "post 9/11," he also should be held accountable for its use.

"People today understand the unique responsibilities of police post 9/11," said Thomson. "As the agency of first resort, we need to be prepared to effectively respond to extreme situations. However, this must be balanced. We need to carefully review the type of equipment being provided to departments and clearly justify the need while understanding that some equipment may not be appropriate for police use."

http://www.nj.com/south/index.ssf/2014/09/military_gear_for_police_increases_as_funding_to_community-based_programs_decrease_says_professor.html

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From the Department of Justice

One Year After Launching Key Sentencing Reforms, Attorney General Holder Announces First Drop in Federal Prison Population in More Than Three Decades

In a speech at the Brennan Center for Justice, Attorney General Eric Holder announced today that the federal prison population has dropped by roughly 4,800 inmates since September 2013. This represents the first time the federal inmate population has fallen, rather than risen, over the course of a fiscal year since 1980.

Moreover, Attorney General Holder announced that current Bureau of Prisons estimates project this downward trend to continue in each of the next two fiscal years. In FY15, the inmate population is projected to drop by another 2,200 inmates. In FY16, the population is projected to drop by 10,000 inmates - or the equivalent of six federal prisons.

“This is nothing less than historic,” said Attorney General Holder. “Clearly, criminal justice reform is an idea whose time has come. And thanks to a robust and growing national consensus – a consensus driven not by political ideology, but by the promising work that's underway – we are bringing about a paradigm shift, and witnessing a historic sea change, in the way our nation approaches these issues.”

While these statistics show progress at the federal level, there is similar progress at the state level. Overall, incarceration rates have fallen by roughly 10 percent since President Obama took office, and that has occurred simultaneously with a similarly-sized reduction in crime rates.

The Attorney General's full remarks to the law enforcement conference, as prepared for delivery appear below:

Thank you, Jim [Johnson], for those kind words; for your friendship over the many years we've known one another – since we served together in the Clinton Administration; and for your leadership, along with Doug Jones, as co-chair of the Brennan Center's Blue Ribbon Panel.

I'd also like to thank the Brennan Center's distinguished president, my friend Michael Waldman, and your entire staff – particularly the Justice Program – for bringing us together today. It's an honor to take part in this important conference. It's a privilege to be at NYU Law School for the second time in as many weeks. And it's a great pleasure, as always, to be back home in New York City.

For nearly two decades, the Brennan Center has provided indispensable leadership on issues ranging from campaign finance and voting rights to national security and equal justice. You've offered rigorous research and expert guidance to policymakers at every level of government. And with this conference – and the report you're unveiling today – you're taking yet another step to advance our efforts to address some of our nation's most critical challenges – few of which are more complex, or more urgent, than the need to strengthen America's criminal justice system and reduce our overreliance on incarceration.

As you know, we gather this afternoon just over a year after the launch of the Justice Department's Smart on Crime initiative – a series of important changes and commonsense reforms I set in motion last August. Already, these changes are fundamentally shifting our response to certain crime challenges – particularly low-level, nonviolent drug offenses. And this initiative is predicated on the notion that our work as prosecutors must be informed, and our criminal justice system continually improved, by the most effective and efficient strategies available.

After all – as I've often said – the United States will never be able to prosecute or incarcerate its way to becoming a safer nation. We must never, and we will never, stop being vigilant against crime – and the conditions and choices that breed it. But, for far too long – under well-intentioned policies designed to be “tough” on criminals – our system has perpetuated a destructive cycle of poverty, criminality, and incarceration that has trapped countless people and weakened entire communities – particularly communities of color.

In recent decades, the effects of these policies – and the impact of the “truth-in-sentencing” mindset – have been dramatic. Although the United States comprises just five percent of the world's population, we incarcerate almost a quarter of its prisoners. The entire United States population has increased by about a third since 1980. But the federal prison population has grown by almost 800 percent over the same period. Spending on corrections, incarceration, and law enforcement has exploded, consuming $260 billion per year nationwide. And the Bureau of Prisons currently commands about a third of the Justice Department's overall budget.

Perhaps most troubling is the fact that this astonishing rise in incarceration – and the escalating costs it has imposed on our country, in terms both economic and human – have not measurably benefited our society. We can all be proud of the progress that's been made at reducing the crime rate over the past two decades – thanks to the tireless work of prosecutors and the bravery of law enforcement officials across America. But statistics have shown – and all of us have seen – that high incarceration rates and longer-than-necessary prison terms have not played a significant role in materially improving public safety, reducing crime, or strengthening communities.

In fact, the opposite is often true. Two weeks ago, the Washington Post reported that new analysis of crime data and incarceration rates – performed by the Pew Charitable Trusts, and covering the period of 1994 to 2012 – shows that states with the most significant drops in crime also saw reductions in their prison populations. States that took drastic steps to reduce their prison populations – in many cases by percentages well into the double digits – saw crime go down as well. And the one state – West Virginia – with the greatest increase in its incarceration rate actually experienced an uptick in crime.

As the Post makes clear: “To the extent that there is any trend here, it's actually that states incarcerating people have seen smaller decreases in crime.” And this has been borne out at the national level, as well.

Since President Obama took office, both overall crime and overall incarceration have decreased by approximately 10 percent. This is the first time these two critical markers have declined together in more than 40 years . And although we have a great deal of work to do – and although, last year, some states continued to record growth in their prison populations – this is a signal achievement.

We know that over-incarceration crushes opportunity. We know it prevents people, and entire communities, from getting on the right track. And we've seen that – as more and more government leaders have gradually come to recognize – at a fundamental level, it challenges our commitment to the cause of justice.

Fortunately, I can report today that we are finally moving in the right direction, at least at the federal level. Over the past year, the federal prison population declined by roughly 4,800 inmates – the first decrease we've seen in many ?decades.

Even more promising are new internal projections from the Bureau of Prisons. In a dramatic reversal of prior reports – which showed that the prison population would continue to grow, becoming more and more costly, overcrowded, and unsafe – taking into account our new policies and trends, our new projections anticipate that the number of federal inmates will fall by just over 2,000 in the next 12 months – and by almost 10,000 in the year after.?

This is nothing less than historic. To put these numbers in perspective, 10,000 inmates is the rough equivalent of the combined populations of six federal prisons, each filled to capacity. Now, these projected decreases won't result in any prison closures, because our system is operating at about 30 percent above capacity. But my hope is that we're witnessing the start of a trend that will only accelerate as our Smart on Crime changes take full effect.

Clearly, criminal justice reform is an idea whose time has come. And thanks to a robust and growing national consensus – a consensus driven not by political ideology, but by the promising work that's underway, and the efforts of leaders like Senators Patrick Leahy, Dick Durbin, Mike Lee, and Rand Paul – we are bringing about a paradigm shift, and witnessing a historic sea change, in the way our nation approaches these issues.

Of course, for these changes to become permanent, we'll need to rely on the dedication – and the leadership – of federal prosecutors in Washington and in all 94 of our United States Attorney's Offices. As a career prosecutor myself – and as former U.S. Attorney for the District of Columbia – I have always had the utmost confidence in, and respect for, these hardworking men and women. And that's why, as Attorney General, I've consistently advocated policies that push discretion out into the field.

The Smart on Crime initiative is in many ways the ultimate expression of my trust in the abilities – and the judgment – of our attorneys on the front lines. And although some have suggested that recent changes in charging and sentencing policies might somehow undermine their ability to induce cooperation from defendants in certain cases, today, I want to make it abundantly clear that nothing could be further from the truth.

As I know from experience – and as all veteran prosecutors and defense attorneys surely recognize – defendant cooperation depends on the certainty of swift and fair punishment, not on the length of a mandatory minimum sentence. Like anyone old enough to remember the era before sentencing guidelines existed and mandatory minimums took full effect, I can testify to the fact that federal guidelines attempted to systematize the kinds of negotiations that were naturally taking place anyway. As our U.S. Attorney for the Western District of Wisconsin, John Vaudreuil, often reminds his colleagues, even without the threat of mandatory minimums, it remains in the interests of all attorneys to serve as sound advocates for their clients – and for defendants to cooperate with the government in exchange for reduced sentences.

Far from impeding the work of our prosecutors, the sentencing reforms I've mandated have strengthened their discretion. The contention that cooperation is somehow dependent on mandatory minimums is tied to a past at tension with the empirical present, and is plainly inconsistent with history, and with now known facts. After all, as the Heritage Foundation observed earlier this year: “[t]he rate of cooperation in cases involving mandatory minimums is comparable to the average rate in all federal cases.”

Of course, as we refine our approach and reject the ineffective practice of calling for stringent sentences against those convicted of low-level, nonviolent crimes, we also need to refine the metrics we use to measure success; to evaluate the steps we're taking; and to assess the effectiveness of new criminal justice priorities. In the Smart on Crime era, it's no longer adequate – or appropriate – to rely on outdated models that prize only enforcement, as quantified by numbers of prosecutions, convictions, and lengthy sentences, rather than taking a holistic view.

As the Brennan Center and many others have recognized – and as your landmark report on Federal Prosecution for the 21 st Century makes crystal clear – it's time to shift away from old metrics and embrace a more contemporary, and more comprehensive, view of what constitutes success. This means developing a new system of assessment – because, as you've noted, what gets measured is what gets funded and what gets funded is what gets done. That's why I want to commend this organization – and each of our Blue Ribbon Panelists, including some of our very best sitting and former U.S. Attorneys – for examining new ways for the Justice Department to leverage our resources to better serve America's communities.

Your concrete recommendations – that federal prosecutors should prioritize reducing violence, incarceration, and recidivism – are consistent with the aims of the Smart on Crime initiative. The new metrics you propose – such as evaluating progress by assessing changes in local violent crime rates, numbers of federal prisoners initially found in particular districts, and changes in the three-year recidivism rate – lay out a promising roadmap for us to consider. And my pledge to you today is that my colleagues and I will not merely carefully study this critical report – we will use it as a basis for discussion, and a vital resource to draw upon, as we engage in a far-reaching process to develop and codify new success measures – with the aim of cementing recent shifts in law and policy.

One of the key points underscored by your report – and emphasized under the Smart on Crime approach – is the need for the Justice Department to direct funding to help move the criminal justice field toward a fuller embrace of science and data. This is something that we – and especially our Office of Justice Programs and Bureau of Justice Assistance – have taken very seriously throughout the Obama Administration. And nowhere are these ideals more fully embodied – or more promisingly realized – than in our Justice Reinvestment Act and Second Chance Act programs.

As we speak, the states that participate in Justice Reinvestment are making fundamental policy reforms that aim to reduce unnecessary confinement, save taxpayer dollars, and reinvest funding in strategies proven to enhance community safety. A report issued in January highlighted 17 states that are projected to save $4.6 billion over 10 years. Another study, in June, highlighted seven states that have achieved substantial reductions in three-year recidivism rates. And these successes are notable not only for their magnitude, but for the political consensus that drove them.

Thanks to bipartisan support from Congress, funding for the Justice Reinvestment Initiative has more than quadrupled this year. That, on its own, is an extraordinary indication of the power and importance of this work. And this additional funding is allowing us to launch a new challenge grant program – designed to incentivize states to take the next major step in their reform efforts.

Today, I am pleased to announce that five states – Delaware, Georgia, Louisiana, Ohio, and Oregon – will be receiving these grants, which can be used to expand pre-trial reforms, to scale up swift and certain sanctions, to institute evidence-based parole practices, or a number of other options. I am also pleased to announce that five states have been selected to receive new funding under the Second Chance Act to help reduce recidivism. Georgia, Illinois, Iowa, Minnesota, and Vermont will each be awarded $1 million to meet their recidivism reduction goals. And each will be eligible for an additional $2 million over the next two years if they do so.

In addition to these and other Second Chance awards, our Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention is providing $7 million in Second Chance Act funding to support reentry demonstration programs and other important efforts at the juvenile level. A further $1.8 million will support a new Juvenile Reentry Legal Assistance Program through our partners at the Department of Housing and Urban Development. And we'll soon be launching a broader partnership with HUD – a partnership rooted in the Pay for Success model championed by the Brennan Center – to focus on finding permanent supportive housing for those returning from incarceration.

The Justice Department has transferred $5 million to HUD for this program, which will announce the competition in the coming months. Together, these exciting efforts reaffirm our commitment to strengthening America's justice system at every level. They underscore our determination to help people get back on the right path. But they're only the beginning – because, beyond our Smart on Crime reforms and our emphasis on evidence-based practices, I believe the federal government has an even broader and more critical role to play in securing the fundamental promise of equal justice under law.

As we saw all too clearly last month – as the eyes of the nation turned to events in Ferguson, Missouri – whenever discord, mistrust, and roiling tensions fester just under the surface, interactions between law enforcement and local residents can quickly escalate into confrontation, unrest, and even violence. These tensions simmer every day in far too many communities across the country. And it's incumbent upon all of America's law enforcement officers and leaders to work with the communities they serve to defuse these charged situations by forging close bonds, establishing deep trust, and fostering robust engagement.

The situation in Ferguson has presented leaders across the nation, and criminal justice and civil rights leaders in particular, with a moment of decision – and a series of important questions that can no longer be avoided. Will we allow this time – our time – to be defined by division and discord? Or will we summon the resolve, the fortitude, and the vision to reassess – and even to remake – our system, through cooperation, consensus, and compassion?

Will we again turn a blind eye to the hard truths that Ferguson exposed, burying these tough realities until another tragedy arises to set them off like a powder keg? Or will we finally accept this mandate for open and honest dialogue, reach for new and innovative solutions, and rise to the historic challenge – and the critical opportunity – now right before us?

These questions are not rhetorical. And as we seek to address them, we must take into account the preconceived notions that certain people may bring to interactions with police – preconceptions that may be informed by generations of experience; by the totality of what it has meant to be a person of color in the United States. We must consider corresponding notions that police may bring to interactions with certain communities and individuals. And we must never lose sight of the immense and unyielding difficulties inherent in the law enforcement profession – from the training they receive to the risks these brave men and women incur every time they put on their uniforms; from the dangers they face, and the split-second decisions they often must make, to the anguish of family members who awaken at night to the sound of a ringing telephone – hoping for the best, but fearing tragic news about a loved one out walking the beat.

As the brother of a retired law enforcement officer, I understand well how challenging – and how thankless – their vital work can be. As our nation's Attorney General, I will always be proud – and steadfast – in my support for law enforcement personnel and their families, who make tremendous and often unheralded sacrifices every single day to keep us safe. And as an African-American man – who has been stopped and searched by police in situations where such action was not warranted – I also carry with me an understanding of the mistrust that some citizens harbor for those who wear the badge.

So today, it's time to ask ourselves – as a nation – are we conducting policing, in the 21 st century, in a manner that is as effective, as efficient, as equitable, and as just as is possible? It's time to build on the outstanding leadership that so many local police are providing – and the reform efforts that are underway in St. Louis County and elsewhere – by making this work a focused, national priority.

Just last week, the Justice Department launched a substantial effort to do just that – by establishing a National Initiative for Building Community Trust and Justice to promote credibility, to enhance procedural justice, to reduce implicit bias, and to support racial reconciliation. Separately, President Obama has directed federal agencies to carefully review programs that may provide military equipment, or funding for military equipment, to local police – a process that remains ongoing. Through a range of other programs like the President's My Brother's Keeper initiative – and the department's regular interactions with exemplary law enforcement executives across the country – my colleagues and I are doing important work to resolve tensions and promote mutual understanding; to bridge divides and spark constructive dialogue; and to ensure – above all else – that everyone who comes into contact with the police is treated fairly.

This is important, and in some cases life-changing, work. But I believe we need to take these efforts even further. That's why, under the leadership of our COPS Office, the Justice Department is working with major police associations to conduct a broad review of policing tactics, techniques, and training – so we can help the field swiftly confront emerging threats, better address persistent challenges, and thoroughly examine the latest tools and technologies to enhance the safety, and the effectiveness, of law enforcement. Going forward, I will support not only continuing this timely review, but expanding it – to consider the profession in a comprehensive way – and to provide strong, national direction on a scale not seen since President Lyndon Johnson's Commission on Law Enforcement nearly half a century ago.

In this ongoing effort, and in so many others – as we seize this important moment, renew our determination to combat crime, and accept the historic opportunities now before us – my colleagues and I will continue to look to the Brennan Center, and each of the leaders in this audience, for guidance; for edification; and for frank and honest advice. We will continue to rely on the experience, and the thoughtful consideration, that you have brought to today's discussion – and to countless others over the past two decades. And we will always be both proud and humbled to count you as partners, and as essential allies, in the considerable work ahead.

I want to thank you all – once again – for your leadership, your vision, and your unwavering commitment to the mission we share. I look forward to building on this dialogue in the weeks and months to come. And I am optimistic – despite the challenges we face, and the obstacles we must confront – about where your efforts will take us, and all that we will achieve – together – for the exceptional nation we all love.

Thank you.

http://www.justice.gov/opa/pr/one-year-after-launching-key-setencing-reforms-attorney-general-holder-annouces-first-drop-0

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From ICE

Dominican Republic students graduate from elite US law enforcement program

GLYNCO, Ga. — A new cohort of police officers and prosecutors from the Dominican Republic is ready to take up the fight against transnational criminal organizations after their graduation Friday from the International Taskforce Agent Training (ITAT) program, hosted by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement's (ICE) Homeland Security Investigations (HSI).

From Sept. 13 through Sept. 26, 23 Dominican Republic officials participated in the ITAT program, which is held at the Federal Law Enforcement Training Center (FLETC) in Glynco. The majority of students, 17, were Dominican National Police officers. Two students were prosecutors and the remaining four were from the Tourist Police, Border Force, Navy and the Ejercito de la Republica Dominica. Training assistance was also provided by the Dominican Attorney General's Office and the Customs Agency.

Students spent two weeks in classroom seminars and practical exercises as part of the ITAT program, which provides vetted foreign law enforcement officers with training very similar to that of HSI's special agents.

This is the second class of Dominican law enforcement officials to graduate from the program. The first class, comprised of 14 students, graduated in May 2010.

"The ITAT program has proven to be very successful in strengthening partnerships among law enforcement agencies in participating countries," said Alexis Torres, HSI operations chief for Central and South America and the Caribbean. "Transnational criminal organizations respect no nation's boundaries, so it is vitally important for law enforcement agencies to work together across borders to ensure these criminals have no place to hide."

"We have already seen the increased capabilities this training provides to our nation's law enforcement programs," said Major General Manuel Castro Castillo, chief of the National Police for the Dominican Republic. "This new class of graduates will have an immediate impact on our ability to counter the criminal organizations who threaten public safety in our communities."

HSI instructors delivered a tailored curriculum developed to strengthen the students' ability to conduct criminal investigations. Classes covered investigation and interview techniques, evidence processing and warrant execution. The graduates were also exposed to physical training, defensive tactics and weapons practice.

The graduates are now part of an international law enforcement community that facilitates information sharing and the bilateral investigation of transnational criminal organizations involved in a variety of crimes, including weapons and narcotic trafficking, human smuggling and trafficking, money laundering, cybercrimes and more.

FLETC serves as the largest law enforcement training organization in the United States, training a majority of the federal officers and agents in the country. In addition to providing training for more than 90 federal partner organizations, FLETC also provides training to local, state, tribal and international police in select advanced programs. Approximately 70,000 students graduate from FLETC each year.

http://www.ice.gov/news/releases/1409/140926glynco.htm

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From the FBI

Alleged Pennsylvania Gunman Added to Top Ten List

(Picture on site)

The alleged shooter of two Pennsylvania State Police troopers has been added to the FBI's Ten Most Wanted Fugitives list. Eric Matthew Frein, a 31-year-old white male with ties to the mid-Atlantic region—including the states of Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York—faces state charges of homicide, homicide of a law enforcement officer, and attempted murder, as well as a federal unlawful flight to avoid prosecution charge. He is considered armed and extremely dangerous.

The shootings occurred on September 12, 2014, when a gunman ambushed the two officers at the Pennsylvania State Police Blooming Grove Barracks in Pike County, Pennsylvania. Corporal Byron Dickson, 38, was fatally shot, and Trooper Alex Douglass, 31, was critically wounded. The subsequent investigation linked Frein to the shootings.

The FBI is offering a reward of up to $100,000 for information leading directly to the arrest of Frein. If you have any information, call the Pennsylvania State Police at (866) 326-7256, or contact your nearest FBI office.

Frein is the 503rd person to appear on the Top Ten list since it was created in 1950. Since then, 472 fugitives have been apprehended or located, 156 of them as a result of citizen cooperation.

http://www.fbi.gov/news/news_blog/alleged-pennsylvania-gunman-added-to-top-ten-list

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From the Department of Homeland Security

FEMA Unveils National Strategy to Strengthen Youth Preparedness

Ad Council, FEMA and Disney launch “Big Hero 6” PSAs to Encourage Emergency Preparedness for Kids

WASHINGTON -- Today, the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) announced a new strategy to educate young people about disaster prevention, protection, mitigation, response and recovery. The National Strategy for Youth Preparedness Education: Empowering, Educating and Building Resilience (National Strategy) couples attention on emergency and disaster preparedness with community action that focuses specifically on youth readiness for disasters and related events. The National Strategy was developed in partnership with the American Red Cross and the U.S. Department of Education, and more than 25 organizations have affirmed their support.

Research shows that it is important to educate and empower young people to prepare for disasters. A 2010 study from Oregon State University showed that 14 percent of children and teens had experienced a disaster during their lifetime, and four percent had been in a disaster within the past year. Of those who had experience with disaster, a quarter reported experiencing more than one.

Recognizing that children have the ability to play an important role in preparing themselves, their families, and their communities for a disaster, Disney, the Ad Council and FEMA are releasing new Public Service Advertisements (PSAs) as an extension of the Ready campaign. These new PSAs highlight several steps that kids can take to prepare for emergencies: Make a Plan, Build a Kit and Know The Facts. The new English and Spanish ads feature leading characters from Walt Disney Animation Studios' upcoming film “Big Hero 6,” and they encourage viewers to visit Ready.gov/Kids to learn how to prepare for emergencies.

“Children who learn about emergency preparedness experience less anxiety during an actual emergency or disaster,” FEMA Administrator Craig Fugate said. “This National Strategy will encourage communities and organizations to give children and their families the information they need to prepare for disasters.”

“When it comes to emergency preparedness, we know that communication and planning in advance are critical,” Ad Council President and CEO Peggy Conlon said. “Research has shown that children can play an important role in creating family emergency plans, which is why this extension of our longstanding campaign with FEMA incorporates wonderfully entertaining Disney characters that will both entertain and educate children.”

“Young people can do amazing things when given the chance,” said Richard Reed, senior vice president of Disaster Cycle Services at the American Red Cross. “Just watch an entire school full of kids evacuate in a couple of minutes for a fire drill, or listen to the story of the young man who gave his birthday money to buy smoke alarms for his community. At the Red Cross, we're just delighted to stand with this coalition to help prepare young people and their families.”

The National Strategy presents nine priority steps to further youth preparedness education including: building partnerships to enhance, increase and implement youth preparedness learning programs; connecting young people with their families, communities, first responders and other youth; and increasing school preparedness. More information about these steps--as well as the national organizations that have affirmed their support--is available under the National Strategy tab in the FEMA Youth Technical Assistance Center at www.ready.gov/youth-preparedness.

More information about emergency preparedness is available at www.ready.gov.

http://www.fema.gov/news-release/2014/09/24/fema-unveils-national-strategy-strengthen-youth-preparedness

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Oklahoma

Oklahoma beheading: FBI probing suspect's recent conversion to Islam

by Fox News

FBI officials are investigating a beheading at an Oklahoma food distribution center after co-workers said the suspect tried to convert them to Islam after his own recent conversion.

The suspect, Alton Nolen, 30, was recently fired from Vaughan Foods in Moore prior to Thursday's attack. Moore Police Department Sgt. Jeremy Lewis told KFOR that Nolen drove to the front of the business and struck a vehicle before walking inside. He then attacked Colleen Hufford, 54, stabbing her several times before severing her head. He also stabbed another woman, 43-year-old Traci Johnson, at the plant.

Lewis said Mark Vaughan, the company's chief operating officer and a reserve county deputy, shot Nolen as he was stabbing Johnson, who remains hospitalized in stable condition Friday.

“He's a hero in this situation,” Lewis told the station. “It could have gotten a lot worse.”

Nolen was apparently attacking employees at random, authorities said. The motive for the attack is unclear, but FBI officials confirmed to Fox News that they were assisting the Moore Police Department in investigating Nolen's background and whether his recent conversion to Islam was somehow linked to the crime.

The police department issued a statement saying, "After conducting interviews with Nolen's co-workers, information was obtained that he recently started trying to convert several employees to the Muslim religion. Due to the manner of death and the initial statements of co-workers and other initial information, the Moore Police Department requested the assistance of the FBI in conducting a background investigation on Nolan."

Nolen, according to state corrections records, was convicted in January 2011 of multiple felony drug offenses, assault and battery on a police officer and escape from detention. He was released from prison in March 2013.

Saad Mohammad, a spokesman for the Islamic Society of Greater Oklahoma City, told NewsOK.com that leaders of the society's mosque are taking security precautions to protect Muslims who gather there from any potential retaliatory violence.

Mohammad said any anti-Muslim sentiments local residents might have could be heightened due to the beheadings and violence overseas by Islamic State militants.

“They have this ISIS thing on their minds and now this guy has brought it to America,” Mohammad told the website.

Lewis said he does not yet know what charges will be filed against Nolen, adding that police are waiting until he's conscious to arrest him. Authorities said he had no prior connection to either woman.

Moore Police Department officials have released 911 calls from the incident, OKCFox.com reports. During the recording, a caller tells an operator that a person is attacking someone in the building. Several gunshots can be heard in the background at the end of the call.

A Vaughan spokeswoman said the company was "shocked and deeply saddened" by the attack.

http://www.foxnews.com/us/2014/09/27/woman-beheaded-at-oklahoma-food-distribution-center-police-say/

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Community Policing: The Importance of Trust

by Ben Jealous

What is community policing?

In the wake of increased shootings in Ferguson and around the country, there has been a renewed public interest in the role of police, the extent of police brutality, and the prevalence of racial bias.

These are not new issues, and in fact a number of organizations have been working for decades to increase trust between law enforcement and the communities they serve. Among these is the National Coalition Building Institute (NCBI), a nonprofit leadership program headquartered in Washington D.C., whose leaders I spoke with recently.

Founded in 1984, NCBI focuses on eliminating prejudice and resolving inter-group conflict. They work in cities across the U.S. and overseas to build the capacity of local leaders in schools, college campuses, police departments, and environmental organizations to lead prevention-oriented workshops and to intervene in the face of tough inter-group conflict. One of NCBI's key programs, the Law Enforcement Community Citizen Project, focuses on building productive relationships between police and the communities they serve.

The NCBI Law Enforcement Community Citizen Project was initially funded in 2002 by a grant from the COPS office (the office of Community Policing at the US Department of Justice) to work in Bethlehem, PA and King County, WA. Since then the program has been implemented in Atlantic City, NJ as well as numerous communities throughout Pennsylvania, Missoula, MO, and Seattle, WA.

NCBI is called on to bridge the divide between community members and police officers. NCBI leads Train the Trainer programs, Welcoming Diversity and Inclusion Workshops, and Leadership Institutes for officers and community activists to educate them in skills to foster cooperative relationships. Some communities have contacted NCBI when there have been specific difficulties between white police officers and people or neighborhoods of color that have been singled out by police. From their experience, NCBI has learned that it is best to offer communities a prevention-oriented, trust building approach. This way, NCBI builds the ongoing capacity of law enforcement and community activists to work in partnership to increase safety for all citizens in the community.

I spoke with Fabienne Brooks, who along with Guillermo Lopez is co-director of NCBI's Law Enforcement Program. Brooks is a retired Chief of Detectives for the King County Police Department in Seattle, WA. She was the first Black female officer in county history to be hired as a deputy, and throughout her career she made a point to immerse herself in the community that she served. The neighborhood she patrolled was the same neighborhood where she attended church and raised her family. After 26 years on the job, she retired and joined NCBI so she could continue her passion for community policing.

Ms. Brooks told me that "an important part of community policing occurs when an officer recognizes that they are part of a community, and the community understands the same about the officer. It includes forming empathetic relationships between law enforcement and community members, which results in increased officer safety and safety for all members of the community."

The NCBI Law Enforcement Community Partnership project builds trust between law enforcement and community leaders by helping each side to understand the daily realities of the other. Each has a key story to tell. Each deserves respectful listening. By teaching listening skills and conflict resolution practices and by helping each side see the humanity and legitimate concerns of the other, trust and partnership increases. In addition, NCBI teaches specific skill sets that help each side to confront the biases they have learned about each other that get in the way of equitable treatment of the entire community -- particularly the equitable treatment of people from different racial groups. NCBI believes in practices that will bring about institutional change not one-time trainings or quick fixes.

As just one example of the outcomes of the NCBI's COPS and Community project, consider what happened in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. In 2005, a pool frequented by Latino young people had been closed for repairs and the young people went to another pool. Within minutes, the mainly white life guards felt threatened by the presence of the Latino young people, called the police and the police, ignoring the pleas of the Latino parents for calm, called for increased back up.

A huge altercation between the parents and the police continued for months. The NCBI-trained police/community activist team used this incident for training with the Bethlehem police as well as the community, to learn how to avoid this kind of incident in the future.

In Ferguson, Former Chief Brooks sees an opportunity for an effective community-policing program to emerge from the chaos and violence of the past few weeks. "Now, there is a chance for police and the community to hear each other," she said. "The focus needs to be on how people are treated. If you can train officers how to treat ALL people with dignity and respect -- that is a victory."

Brook's co-director Guillermo Lopez explained that community policing cannot be accomplished with the wave of a wand, "You don't go in trying to change a whole department; you go in trying to change a few people, who eventually come to change the whole department. We can start by focusing attention and financial resources on organizations like NCBI, so they can continue spreading the word that emphasize the 'serve' aspect of "Protect and Serve".

"The establishment of a sustained value and practice for coalition building skills between Community and Law Enforcement is a pathway to conflict resolution and will create a climate which fosters violence prevention." Joyce Shabazz, Consulting Associate Senior Trainer / Director Of Affinity Caucus Programs

As Brooks told me, "Police officers meet with the community, hear tough things, say tough things and confront their prejudices together - this is how we will move forward."

To reach NCBI, visit www.ncbi.org or call (202) 785-9400.

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/benjamin-todd-jealous/community-policing-the-im_b_5888118.html

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Missouri

Ferguson, Missouri's Police Chief Joins Michael Brown Protesters

by F. Brinley Bruton and Richie Duchon

An attempt to calm tensions in the wake of the fatal shooting of unarmed teenager Michael Brown backfired spectacularly overnight when the police chief of Ferguson, Missouri, marched with protesters calling for his resignation.

Appearing in civilian clothes, Police Chief Thomas Jackson triggered scuffles and a standoff in the St. Louis suburb after joining a march late Thursday outside of his force's headquarters. Hours earlier, he'd released a video apology to the Brown family.

Jackson assured protesters that there would be changes in the wake of Brown's killing. "All those things that are causing mistrust are being evaluated and we are going to be making changes," Jackson said.

However, violence broke out seconds after Jackson tried to join the crowd, which included many protesters who were demanding he step down, along with a handful police officers, according to Alderman Antonio French.

"I don't think he was marching with the protesters more than 30 seconds before the riot cops came out into the crowd and tried to get themselves closer to him and protect him," said French, a St. Louis elected official who has been following demonstrations since the Aug. 9 shooting and who supports calls for Jackson's resignation. "Just them being out there pushing started stuff — it's a complete misread of the situation. His very presence agitated the crowd."

The chaotic tussle led to several arrests, according to the St. Louis Post-Dispatch. Ferguson police did not respond to several calls requesting information about the incident from NBC News. By early Friday, police had declared the protests an "unlawful assembly" and ordered the crowd to leave.

At around 2 a.m. local time (3 a.m. ET), French said a crowd of protesters that had originally included hundreds of people had shrunk to about 100. More than 50 police officers stood in front of the police station.

“Show me what democracy looks like. This is what democracy looks like," chanted the crowd standing opposite a long line of police.

The return of violent protests in Ferguson — five people were arrested Tuesday night after a Brown memorial was destroyed by a fire — comes after several weeks of relative calm. Tensions had been easing since the shooting that ignited a week of clashes between police and residents.

The Justice Department is investigating why Brown was fatally shot and allegations of civil rights abuses by the Ferguson Police Department. A grand jury is also deciding whether to indict the police officer who killed Brown on criminal charges. Brown's parents were in Washington, D.C., on Thursday to ask for a federal review of police misconduct.

http://www.nbcnews.com/storyline/michael-brown-shooting/ferguson-missouris-police-chief-joins-michael-brown-protesters-n212076

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Militant in Beheading Videos Has Been Identified, F.B.I. Chief Says

by DAVID E. SANGER

WASHINGTON — American intelligence agencies believe they have identified the Islamic State militant who appeared on two videotapes in which American journalists were beheaded, the F.B.I. director, James B. Comey, said Thursday, but he declined to name the man while agents from the United States and Britain were searching for him.

Intelligence agencies have used voice-recognition technology, overhead imagery and records of Western fighters who are believed to have joined the group in the effort to identify the killer, who first appeared in a video a month ago showing the beheading of James Foley. A second gruesome video, showing the death of Steven J. Sotloff, was released about two weeks later. Both men were freelance journalists.

For a while, British officials focused their suspicions on a rapper who they believed had gone to Syria to fight. Now “the assumption is that was wrong,” one official said.

On Wednesday, the United States announced sanctions against a number of members of the Islamic State, including Salim Benghalem, whom it identified as a fighter “who carries out executions on behalf of the group.” But he was identified as coming from France, suggesting that the two Americans were killed by someone else.

Mr. Comey also referred to a fighter with “North American-accented English” who was seen on another video titled “Flames of War.” At the end of that video, a masked man, waving a gun, speaks in fluent English as a group of men appear in the background, digging what seems to be a mass grave. The video later appears to show the men being shot from behind.

Mr. Comey also discussed the airstrikes this week in Syria, but was cautious in addressing whether some of the attacks against a second terrorist organization known as the Khorasan Group had disrupted its efforts to carry out attacks in Europe or the United States.

“I believe the group still exists,” Mr. Comey said.

Earlier in the day, Iraq's new prime minister, Haider al-Abadi, warned that the Islamic State was focused on attacks in the subways in Paris and the United States, but Mr. Comey and the National Security Council said they were not aware of any evidence supporting that charge.

In the Foley and Sotloff videos, the masked killer, armed with a short knife, taunts President Obama and says that the beheadings are in retaliation for bombing attacks on Islamic State targets in Iraq. The killings appear to take place in the same desert location, with hills visible in the background. The executioner speaks in a British accent, which led to a focus on men who hold British passports and are believed to have joined the fight on behalf of the Islamic State, also known as ISIS.

President Obama referred briefly to the beheadings of the two journalists and a third killing, of a British aid worker, during his speech on Wednesday to the United Nations General Assembly. “In the most horrific crimes imaginable, innocent human beings have been beheaded, with videos of the atrocity distributed to shock the conscience of the world,” he said.

Those comments set up what was perhaps the strongest language of the speech, in which Mr. Obama made the case for direct military action: “No God condones this terror. No grievance justifies these actions. There can be no reasoning — no negotiation — with this brand of evil. The only language understood by killers like this is the language of force.”

http://www.nytimes.com/2014/09/26/world/middleeast/militant-in-beheading-videos-has-been-identified-fbi-chief-says.html?_r=0

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Pennsylvania

Manhunt: Police ambush suspect leaves trail of cigarettes and dirty diapers

by Lindsey Bever

They saw him. They found his litter. But they can't seem to catch him.

The 31-year-old survivalist who allegedly stalked and shot two Pennsylvania state troopers has apparently been lurking in the woods for weeks, leaving little to trace except some empty packs of Serbian-branded cigarettes and soiled diapers police believe he left behind.

But after two weeks of evading authorities, police now suspect he may be treating the massive manhunt as a game of hide-and-seek with police.

Eric Matthew Frein of Canadensis, Pa., has been charged with ambushing two troopers outside the state police barracks in Blooming Grove, Pa., on Sept. 12, killing Cpl. Bryon Dickson and seriously wounding Alex Douglass.

Since then, he has been hiding in the Pocono Mountains, appearing to let police see him at times but keeping enough distance to maintain his freedom, state police Lt. Col. George Bivens said at a news conference.

He was last seen with a clean-shaven face wearing a brown-and-gold windbreaker, khaki shorts and sneakers. He was toting a dark-green backpack with black trim. And he may have a mohawk.

On Tuesday, police spotted a man they thought was him, but the suspect gave them the slip. The rugged woods gave him “the ability to disappear,” Bivens said. “I almost think that some of this is a game to him,” he said.

But Frein has been leaving a trail.

Last week, police found an AK-47 assault rifle and ammunition, which they said he either stashed or left behind.

Police didn't know if that was the gun that had been used against the troopers, but police believe he is still armed with a .308 rifle and scope, Bivens said. Both firearms were missing from his family's home.

“We are pushing him hard, he is no longer safe and I am confident that he will be apprehended,” Bivens said.

Then this week, police found empty cigarette packs — and dirty diapers, the kind worn by professional sharpshooters when they have to sit still for long stretches of time. Authorities are now testing the soiled diapers to confirm they were worn by Frein.

Unnamed sources told Philly.com police are moving through the woods with extreme caution because they believe he may have planted pipe bombs. Sources told the newspaper investigators found bomb-making materials in his home.

More than 1,000 law enforcement officials have been helping in the search, which covers several square miles along the border of Pike and Monroe counties near Frein's hometown of Canadensis, where he lived with his parents. Sources told Philly.com police narrowed their search to that area after Frein attempted to make a phone call to his parents on Sept. 18. The call reportedly lasted only a few seconds but it was long enough for authorities to trace him.

However, state police spokesman Connie Devens told Philly.com she could neither comment on Frein's reported phone call nor the accusation that he was “making or possessing pipe bombs.”

Still, Frein has some training as a shooter. He was a member of the Pocono High School shooting team and bought an AK-47 at a gun store in Strasburg, Pa., some two years ago, CBS News reported.

The Associated Press said he attended East Stroudsburg University for a semester in 2005, majoring in history. He went again in 2011 and 2012, majoring in chemistry. He never finished. He also attended some classes at Northampton Community College between 2008 and 2013.

According to an FBI wanted poster, Frein is a heavy smoker and a self-trained survivalist. He has studied Russian and Serbian. And he claims to have fought with Serbians in Africa.

There's a $100,000 reward for information leading to his capture.

After Frein allegedly shot the two troopers earlier this month, police found his Jeep at the bottom of a swamp a few miles from the scene. Police said he fled from there and walked into the Canadensis wilderness about 15 or 20 miles away.

Authorities immediately initiated a manhunt. Police ordered a lockdown in the area. Officers clad in bulletproof vests and armed with rifles went into the woods. Helicopters circled overheard.

Police said Frein is armed and dangerous. He has since been listed as one of the FBI's 10 most wanted. And heavily armed officers have the authority to kill him if they find him and he won't surrender.

“We know that Frein has prepared and planned extensively for months, and maybe years,” Bivens said. “He planned his attack and his retreat.”

Residents in the area have since been told to return home.

Bivens said troopers are “doing their best to balance safety concerns with the needs for residents to be able to travel freely to and from their homes.”

http://www.washingtonpost.com/news/morning-mix/wp/2014/09/26/manhunt-police-ambush-suspect-leaves-trail-of-cigarettes-and-dirty-diapers/

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FBI report shows increase in mass shootings since 2007

by The Associated Press

WASHINGTON – The number of shootings in which a gunman wounds or kills multiple people has increased dramatically in recent years, with the majority of attacks in the last decade occurring at a business or a school, according to an FBI report released Wednesday.

The study focused on 160 "active shooter incidents" between 2000 and 2013. Those are typically defined as cases in which a gunman in an attack shoots or attempts to shoot people in a populated area.

The goal of the report, which excluded shootings that are gang and drug related, was to compile accurate data about the attacks and to help local police prepare for or respond to similar killings in the future, federal law enforcement officials said.

"These incidents, the large majority of them, are over in minutes. So it's going to have to be a teaching and training of the best tactics, techniques and procedures to our state and local partners," said James F. Yacone, an FBI assistant director who oversees crisis response and was involved in the report.

According to the report, an average of six shooting incidents occurred in the first seven years that were studied. That average rose to more than 16 per year in the last seven years of the study. That period included the 2012 shootings at a movie theater in Aurora, Colorado and at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown, Connecticut, as well as last year's massacre at the Washington Navy Yard in which a gunman killed 12 people before dying in a police shootout.

The majority of the shootings occurred either at a business or a school, university or other education facility, according to the study, conducted in conjunction with Texas State University. Other shootings have occurred in open spaces, on military properties, and in houses of worship and health care facilities.

A total of more than 1,000 people were either killed or wounded in the shootings. In about one-quarter of the cases, the shooter committed suicide before the police arrived. The gunman acted alone in all but two of the cases. The shooters were female in at least six of the incidents.

Not all of the cases studied involved deaths or even injuries. In one 2006 case in Joplin, Missouri, a 13-year-old boy brought a rifle and handgun into a middle school, but his rifle jammed after he fired one shot. The principal then escorted the boy out of school and turned him over to the police.

Law enforcement officials who specialize in behavioral analysis say the motives of gunmen vary but many have a real, or perceived, personally held grievance that they feel mandates an act of violence. Though it's hard to say why the number of shootings has increased, officials say they believe many shooters are inspired by past killings and the resulting notoriety.

"The copycat phenomenon is real," said Andre Simons of the FBI's Behavioral Analysis Unit. "As more and more notable and tragic events occur, we think we're seeing more compromised, marginalized individuals who are seeking inspiration from those past attacks."

Beyond studying the shootings, the FBI has promoted better training for local law enforcement, invariably the first responders.

http://www.foxnews.com/us/2014/09/25/fbi-report-shows-increase-in-mass-shootings-since-2007/

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French hostage beheading: President Hollande holds crisis talks

France's defence council is to hold a crisis meeting after the beheading of tourist Herve Gourdel by Algerian militants linked to Islamic State (IS).

The meeting was called by President Francois Hollande, who condemned the killing as "cruel and cowardly".

Jund al-Khilafa group killed Mr Gourdel after giving France an ultimatum to halt its air attacks on IS in Iraq.

Defence Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian said on Thursday France would consider targeting IS in Syria as well as Iraq.

Islamic State has seized large areas of Syria and Iraq in recent months.

'Never cede to terrorism'

Ahead of Thursday's crisis meeting, French Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius said "everything would be looked at again", including "what we want to do in Iraq and what will happen in Syria".

French warplanes have been taking part in US-led air strikes against IS in Iraq since last Friday, and on Thursday carried out new raids.

However, it has so far refrained from joining the US and several Arab states in attacking targets in Syria.

Mr Le Drian told French radio that it was "a question that is on the table". But he added: "The opportunity is not there today. We already have an important task in Iraq."

On Wednesday, President Hollande said despite the killing of Mr Gourdel, 55, French strikes in Iraq would continue.

"France is going through an ordeal through the murder of one of its citizens, but France will never give in to blackmail," Mr Hollande told the UN General Assembly.

"The fight against terrorism must continue and be stepped up."

Speaking on the sidelines of the assembly, he said that Mr Gourdel - who was seized on Sunday - had been killed because he was a representative of French people who "defend human dignity against barbarity".

"France will never give in to terrorism because it is our duty, and, more than that, because it is our honour.''

'Terrible shock'

Several French cities, including Mr Gourdel's home city in Nice, had flags flying at half mast on Thursday.

A government spokesman said flags across the country would be lowered from Friday to Sunday.

The head of the French Council of the Muslim Faith called on fellow Muslim leaders to meet on Friday to condemn militant attacks carried out in the name of Islam.

Jund al-Khilafa (Soldiers of the Caliphate) posted a video on Wednesday of Mr Gourdel's murder, entitled "Message of blood for the French government".

IS itself has beheaded three Western hostages since August: US journalists James Foley and Steven Sotloff, and British aid worker David Haines. Their deaths were all filmed and posted online.

The group has also threatened to kill Britain's taxi driver Alan Henning, who was seized while on an aid mission to Syria in December.

French and Algerian newspapers react to murder

"Executed for being French," says French daily Liberation, framing his photo in black on its entire front page. "Murdered," is the headline in La Depeche du Midi.

France is now "plunged into fear", says Cecile Cornudet in Les Echos, adding: "It's the role of a political leader to stop that fear from turning into panic."

Dominique Quinio, in Catholic newspaper La Croix, says the French authorities are not to blame but "those who have decided that those who don't think or live like them…no longer have a place on Earth".

In Algeria, state-owned daily Ech-chaab calls the murder "a cowardly action and a hideous crime".

The entire front page in privately-owned daily Al-Fadjr carries the headline: "The return of brutality?!"

~~~

Born in the southern French city of Nice, Mr Gourdel worked as a mountain guide in the Mercantour national park in the Alps.

He had also been organising treks through the Atlas Mountains of Morocco for some 20 years, and had also visited Nepal and Jordan.

In the video posted by his killers, he is shown on his knees with his hands behind his back in front of four masked, armed militants.

He is allowed briefly to express his love for his family before one of the militants reads out a speech in which he denounces the actions of the "French criminal crusaders" against Muslims in Algeria, Mali and Iraq.

The beheading, the spokesman says, is to "avenge the victims in Algeria... and support the caliphate" proclaimed by IS in Iraq and Syria.

In Nice, residents expressed their horror over the killing.

"It's a terrible shock," Deputy Mayor Christian Estrosi was quoted as saying by the AFP news agency.

He added that Mr Gourdel's family had reacted to his death "with dignity, anger and an unspeakable pain".

http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-29360788

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Mississippi

In a Mississippi Jail, Convictions and Counsel Appear Optional

by CAMPBELL ROBERTSON

RALEIGH, Miss. — Sheila Burks has not seen her nephew Octavious much over the past few years.

Sitting in her house far out in the Mississippi countryside, she ticked off his stints in the Scott County jail: There was the 18-month stay that ended in 2011; the year that ended in June 2013; and a stretch that began with an arrest last November and is still going.

It is hard to figure out what all this jail time has actually been about. While the arrests that led to these jail stays have been on serious felony charges, Octavious Burks, 37, a poultry plant worker, has not been convicted of or even faced trial on any of the charges. For nearly all of his time in jail, including his current 10-month stay, Mr. Burks has not even had access to a lawyer.

“He's always at the jailhouse,” Ms. Burks said. “And he don't ever go to court.”

On Tuesday, civil liberties groups filed a federal class-action lawsuit on behalf of Mr. Burks and others in jail in Scott County, a rural area about a 45-minute drive east from Jackson, the state capital. The suit charges that inmates at the jail have been “indefinitely detained” and “indefinitely denied counsel,” in violation of their constitutional rights.

The suit, brought by the American Civil Liberties Union and the MacArthur Justice Center, says that when Mr. Burks and others are arrested, steep and “arbitrary” bail amounts are set, with no consideration of a person's ability to pay.

If a defendant applies for indigent defense, as Mr. Burks did on the day of his arrest in November, the senior circuit judge, Marcus D. Gordon, generally approves the request. But it is the judge's policy not to appoint a public defense lawyer until a person is indicted. And there is no state law setting a time limit on detention before an indictment.

So Mr. Burks sits in jail and waits, with no lawyer and no end in sight.

Legal experts said such circumstances were widespread, even if this was an extreme example. Steep bail amounts and long jail stays without access to a lawyer are particularly common for those charged with misdemeanors, said Alexandra Natapoff, a professor at Loyola Law School in Los Angeles. l

It is somewhat less common for felony cases. But common or not, Professor Natapoff said, it is still wrong.

“This is clearly not what we mean by due process, and this is not what we mean by justice,” she said. “It doesn't have to be unique to be absurd.”

In a brief interview, Judge Gordon said it was indeed his policy to appoint indigent defense only at indictment, even though he might approve a defendant's request for counsel long before that.

“The reason is, that public defender would go out and spend his time and money and cost the county money in investigating the matter,” Judge Gordon said. “And then sometimes, the defendant is not indicted by the grand jury. So I wait until he's been indicted.”

Judge Gordon then said that he did not have the jurisdiction to appoint a public defender at all until a defendant was indicted in his courtroom, even if someone were to request a preliminary hearing or a bail hearing. In those cases, the judge said, a defendant “can represent himself, or he can employ an attorney.”

This came as a surprise to those who are familiar with the courts in Scott County and in Mississippi generally. “A judge has the power to appoint a lawyer anytime,” said Robert B. McDuff, a criminal defense lawyer in the state. But he said he was not surprised by the allegations in the lawsuit.

“My sense is that this goes on in most places in Mississippi,” he said. “Poor people are sitting in jail for weeks and even months before they ever see a lawyer.”

The public defender system in the state is a patchwork, varying from county to county. Most public defenders work part-time or on contract. Mississippi and six other states do not contribute any money for indigent defense for trial-level, noncapital cases. Those costs are borne entirely by local governments, usually from court fines and fees.

In 2011, the legislature created the Office of State Public Defender and directed it to study the landscape and possibly lay the groundwork for a statewide system. The office, however, does not have any oversight over public defenders in counties across the state.

“We don't know a lot of what's going on in some of these counties,” said Leslie Lee, the state public defender. What appears to be going on Scott County, she said, is unconstitutional.

“If you don't have an attorney, how is a defendant supposed to know what his rights are?” she asked. “He doesn't realize that he can ask for a bond reduction or he can ask for a preliminary hearing to find out if there is enough evidence. He's just at the mercy of the pace of the prosecution.”

According to Brandon Buskey, a lawyer with the A.C.L.U.'s Criminal Law Reform Project, 53 of the 129 inmates in the Scott County Detention Center have not been indicted.

Among them is Joshua Bassett, 31, the only other plaintiff named in the suit, along with Mr. Burks. Mr. Bassett is not a stranger to trouble, said his mother, Brenda, but he has never been through anything like this. “He was always going in the door of the jailhouse, but he was coming back out as soon as he went in,” she said.

In January, he went in and has not come back out. The police charged him with stealing a hitch trailer and possessing meth (burglary and petty larceny charges were added months later). Ms. Bassett said she had tried to see her son but had been told for weeks that he was in solitary confinement. When she did finally see him, he told her that his bail had been set at $100,000.

“I tried to help Joshua as much as I could, but I only draw a little over $600 a month,” said Ms. Bassett, 64, who worked as a janitor in a nursing home until she had a stroke last year. “I would give everything I have to get my son out of this mess. But I don't have anything.”

It is still unclear what became of the felonies, including aggravated assault and armed robbery, that led to Mr. Burks's stints in jail. The lawsuit, based on his recollection, says that he was indicted on some charges in 2010, though he never went to trial.

Mark Duncan, the district attorney and a defendant in the suit, said Wednesday that his office had not yet been able to find any case involving Mr. Burks. Mr. Duncan added that his office was still double-checking.

Sheila Burks does not remember any indictment. In the past, she said, after months of waiting, she would receive a phone call from her nephew out of the blue, asking her to come by the jail to pick him up.

“I told him, ‘You keep your nose clean in there,' ” Ms. Burks said. “ ‘And when you get out this time, you better leave Mississippi.' ”

http://www.nytimes.com/2014/09/25/us/in-a-mississippi-jail-convictions-and-counsel-appear-optional.html?_r=0

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New York

Three retired FDNY members die of Sept. 11th-related cancers within hours of each other

The deaths raise the tragic toll to 92 firefighters who have succumbed to illnesses stemming from sifting through the rubble of the toppled towers in the desperate search to recover bodies.

by Thomas Tracy, Bill Hutchinson

In a heartbreaking reminder that the Sept. 11 attacks are still claiming lives, three retired FDNY firefighters died on the same day from cancer contracted at Ground Zero.

Retired Lt. Howard (Howie) Bischoff and retired firefighters Robert Leaver and Daniel Heglund all died on Monday after suffering the ravages of 9/11-related illnesses.

Making the news even more poignant is the fact that Leaver and Bischoff grew up together in Park Slope, Brooklyn, and were lifelong best friends.

“I felt at least Robert and Howie went off to heaven together,” Leaver's widow, Rosaria, told the Daily News.

FDNY Fire Commissioner Daniel Nigro called the triple loss “a painful reminder that, 13 years later, we continue to pay a terrible price for the Department's heroic efforts on September 11th.”

The deaths raise the tragic toll to 92 firefighters who have succumbed to illnesses stemming from sifting through the rubble of the toppled towers in the desperate search to recover bodies.

The FDNY lost 343 firefighters on the day Al Qaeda terrorists flew hijacked planes into the twin lower Manhattan skyscrapers. A total of 2,753 people were killed in the attack.

Bischoff's son called the deaths of the three heroes “unbelievable.”

“It's really a tragedy. September 11th is something that's affected so many people in so many ways it can never be forgotten,” Christian Bischoff, 17, told The News.

Bischoff, 58, who had worked at Ladder 149 in Dyker Heights, Brooklyn, retired in May 2003 after 19 years as a member of the Bravest. He died from Stage 4 colon cancer.

“The biggest thing for him was his sense of community,” his grieving son said.

“He was a big part of his Brooklyn neighborhood in Park Slope and when he took the firefighter test and got in, he progressed and joined a much bigger brotherhood there,” the son said. “The bottom line for him was his sense of brotherhood. You can't get that from any other job.”

He said his father was drawn to the FDNY back when his pals like Leaver were joining up.

“He taught me that anything worth doing is worth doing right,” Christian said of his dad.

Leaver, 56, retired in 2004 after 20 years of service to the FDNY. At the time he left the department, he worked at Engine Co. 202 in Bay Ridge, Brooklyn. He was off work on the day of the 9/11 attacks, but grabbed his gear and raced toward the burning towers.

“He liked helping people, having a purpose,” Rosaria Leaver said of her husband. “He was brave and had a lot of courage.

“Even after he was first diagnosed with leukemia in 2003, he never wanted to be called a 9/11 victim,” the widow said. “He would say, ‘The innocent people in the towers were the victims. Don't ever call me a victim. I was a first responder.'”

Lt. Heglund, who served 21 years in the FDNY, died one day before his 59th birthday from esophageal cancer that metastasized into his bones. An avid sportsman, Heglund retired in March 2003 and was diagnosed with cancer two years ago.

“He suffered. He's been fighting. He put up a good fight,” Heglund's brother, FDNY Capt. Paul Heglund, told The News.

He said he encouraged his brother to join the Bravest.

“I realized it was a great career and I got him to take the test,” Heglund recalled.

Heglund said he and his brother, whose last assignment was with Rescue 4 in Queens, responded to the 9/11 attacks and worked at Ground Zero for months afterwards.

“We would do 24 hours on and 24 hours off back then, but after working at the firehouse, you would go down there, work 10-12 hours and then go home to show your face,” he said. “Then it was back to the firehouse.”

He said his brother told him before he died that he had no regrets about working at Ground Zero.

“About 99.9% of us wouldn't change anything that happened. Even after 9/11 and what went on afterwards, we were firemen,” he said. “That's what we do.”

Funerals for Leaver and Heglund will be held on Friday. Leaver will be eulogized at St. Francis of Assisi Church in West Nyack. Heglund's funeral will be at the Centerport Fire Department in Centerport, L.I.

Bischoff's funeral will be on Saturday at St. Aloysisus Church in Jackson, N.J.

http://www.nydailynews.com/new-york/3-retired-fdny-members-die-sept-11th-related-cancers-hours-article-1.1951902

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California

Joseph D. McNamara, Father of Community Policing, Dies at 79

by Paul Vitello

Joseph D. McNamara, a onetime New York City beat cop who earned a doctorate from Harvard and went on to become a California police chief whose pioneering embrace of community policing and diversity in the ranks helped catalyze broad changes in police practices nationwide, died on Friday at his home in Carmel, Calif. He was 79.

The cause was pancreatic cancer, according to a family statement.

Mr. McNamara, who headed police departments in San Jose, Calif., from 1976 to 1991, and in Kansas City, Mo., for three years in the '70s, was known for the farsighted policies he implemented and for his iconoclastic outspokenness on a swath of law enforcement topics, often decades ahead of the pack.

Since the 1980s, he had openly criticized the federal government's war on drugs, which he said filled prisons and squandered resources without putting a dent in the drug problem. He opposed mandatory sentencing laws and supported legalizing marijuana when few in his position were doing so. And his condemnation of gun manufacturers in the 1980s for their production of assault weapons and armor-piercing bullets led the National Rifle Association to attack him personally in full-page ads in Time and in Newsweek.

At the same time, Mr. McNamara was making changes in San Jose — then the nation's 17th-largest city in 1980, and now 10th — that drew the attention of police professionals around the country.

A decade before the New York Police Department began experimenting with community policing in 1989, Mr. McNamara had tested those techniques in Kansas City and implemented them in San Jose. He trained San Jose officers in how to develop relationships with merchants, residents and community leaders in high-crime areas, promoting officers who accepted the changes and sidelining those who did not.

He recruited more minority group members into the city's mostly white police force and rooted out officers who were the subjects of repeated excessive-force complaints. He was among the first chiefs to use neighborhood crime statistics in deploying officers and to install computers in police cars.

“He was about 20 years ahead of his time, and one of the most thoughtful people in the business,” said Jim Bueermann, the president of the Washington-based Police Foundation, a nonpartisan research center created by the Ford Foundation in the late 1960s to promote improvements in police policies. “His views were sometimes controversial, to say the least. But they stretched the thinking of everyone in the profession.”

Mr. McNamara's views on drug policy, community relations, statistics and use of force, once considered almost fringe ideas, have entered the mainstream of police policy discussions, Mr. Bueermann said.

“It wouldn't have seemed possible 20 years ago — how much we have evolved toward his thinking,” he said.

Mr. McNamara was born into a New York City police family on Dec. 16, 1934, in Manhattan. His father and brother were both police officers. After joining the city's police force in 1958, he rose through the ranks to become a lieutenant while taking night classes at the John Jay School of Criminal Justice, which awarded him his bachelor's degree.

In 1968, he received a fellowship from Harvard University to study criminal justice. He went on to receive a Ph.D. in public administration there before returning to the police department.

He was a deputy inspector in charge of crime statistics analysis for several years before he was hired as the chief of police in Kansas City.

He is survived by his wife, Laurie; a son, Donald; two daughters, Lauren McNamara Barrus and Karen McNamara Rust; and four grandchildren.

During Mr. McNamara's time in San Jose, the city grew enormously, overtaking San Francisco as the most populous in Northern California as it rode the Silicon Valley boom, and its crime rate in 1990 was the lowest of any city in the United States with a population of more than 400,000, according to the F.B.I.

In March 1991, when Los Angeles police officers were videotaped beating Rodney King after a high-speed car chase, Mr. McNamara was the only American police chief known to have publicly demanded the resignation of the Los Angeles police chief, Daryl Gates. The tape was evidence that brutality was ingrained in the city's police department, he said.

“That tape has cast a cloud over the credibility of all police,” he said. “No one is going to believe you if you say it is just an isolated incident. It is self-evident that it couldn't have been.”

His stand brought him into open conflict with the San Jose Police Officers Association, which, like other police groups around the country, criticized him as interfering in the investigation.

Mr. McNamara announced his resignation that April, telling The San Francisco Chronicle that the stress of the job and his history of heart trouble were factors in the decision. “I thought I was going to end up in the emergency room myself,” he said.

After resigning, he became a fellow at the Hoover Institute at Stanford University, a conservative-leaning think tank. He also wrote five crime novels.

Writing in academic journals and mainstream newspapers, he was among the first to question the growing use of military hardware by local police departments, nearly two decades before the armored police response to protests in Ferguson, Mo., this summer over the police shooting death of an unarmed teenager.

He blamed the drug war for instilling a military mind-set in police departments, saying it undermined community policing.

“Simply put,” he wrote in a 2006 op-ed article in The Wall Street Journal, “the police culture in our country has changed. An emphasis on ‘officer safety' and paramilitary training pervades today's policing.”

Police work would always be dangerous, he wrote, “but this isn't Iraq.”

http://www.nytimes.com/2014/09/25/us/joseph-d-mcnamara-father-of-community-policing-dies-at-79.html

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California

A return to community policing in Fresno

by Jerry Dyer

Over the past month, I have been asked repeatedly by people throughout Fresno if what occurred in Ferguson, Mo., could happen in Fresno.

No, I do not believe it could. Yes, we have a diverse community, but not a divided community. We have a department that is reflective of the community and a very different style of policing, especially when it comes to dealing with civil unrest. Yet, it is my belief that we still have much room for improvement in terms of police-community relations, and the sensitive issue of race within our community.

What happened in Ferguson, although largely distorted by the national media, will serve as a defining moment in our country. The level of trust and confidence communities have in their police departments will either grow or diminish depending how law enforcement chooses to serve them.

Every big city in America has the potential for civil unrest and large-scale demonstrations. This is especially true in communities where the style of policing has become more focused on crime reduction through aggressive enforcement, and less on building relationships with the community. Fighting crime without alienating those we serve is a delicate balance law enforcement must continually strive to achieve.

I am concerned that so many of us in law enforcement are so intensely focused on fighting gangs, reducing crime, arresting criminals, and getting to the next emergency call as quickly as we can, that we have lost sight of why we do these things in the first place. Measuring crime statistics, response times to calls, and arrests have become the focus. I too, am guilty of this.

In many respects, our profession has forgotten what community policing looks like. Problem-solving and Community Oriented Policing have taken a back seat to "Data Driven Policing." Why? Mainly because police chiefs and elected officials are measured by crime rates, and police resources have become scarce, especially in California.

Although we cannot take our eye off the need to reduce crime, law enforcement leaders must spend much more time focusing on the quality of interaction between our officers and citizens, solving neighborhood problems and addressing many of the social disorders that contribute to unhealthy neighborhoods.

We must find a way to put community first and crime rates a close second if we are truly going to gain the support and trust of our citizens. Just look at New York City and the incredible crime reductions it has had, yet it has lost the support of the people in many of these neighborhoods that were once plagued by violence. This has been acknowledged by New York Police Department Commissioner Bill Bratton, the author of "CompStat" and "Data Driven Policing."

For a period of time, an aggressive style of policing involving significant numbers of arrests was not only accepted, but desired by neighborhoods plagued by gangs. However, with the dramatic reductions in crime experienced over the years combined with the overcrowding of prisons and jails, expectations have changed. These same neighborhoods that once begged for an increased police presence now may view law enforcement as an occupying force. People want a return to "Community Policing." What that really means is they want to see the human side of our profession and not the tactical side.

In the wake of the Ferguson riots, a new concern has become the "militarization" of policing. This term is not new, but is subject to interpretation. Since the inception of police academies, law enforcement has been referred to as a paramilitary organization. Police academies are structured after military basic training. Cadets march in formation, say "Yes sir; no, sir," and have uniform inspections. When they become officers, they wear uniforms, carry firearms, use specialty equipment and tactically deploy. Even the organizational hierarchy is designed after the military.

With the increased presence of gang violence and assault weapons on our streets, coupled with a growing number of mass shootings on school campuses and the threat of terrorism, there have been much- needed enhancements and changes made in police equipment, weapons and tactical attire. Many agencies have even received surplus equipment from the military amid growing criticism by some congressmen, especially after the Ferguson riots. Just for clarification, there was not a single piece of military equipment deployed by law enforcement during the riot.

It is not the uniforms officers wear, it is how they act and interact with citizens while in uniform, that matters most. The same holds true for law-enforcement equipment. It is not what equipment departments have, as much as how, when and why they deploy it. The use of armored rescue vehicles and tactical equipment must be done solely for the safety of citizens and officers, and not for the purpose of intimidation.

We have come a long way in our profession, but have so much further to go. We must return to the era of community policing, solving neighborhood problems and reinforcing positive interaction between officers and citizens if we are truly going to maintain the trust, confidence and support of our communities.

http://www.fresnobee.com/2014/09/24/4142503_a-return-to-community-policing.html?sp=/99/274/&rh=1

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DOJ Initiative on Community-Police Relations Draws Support

by Larry Kaplan

U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder announced last Friday the launch of the Justice Department's (DOJ) National Initiative for Building Community Trust and Justice. His announcement was applauded by ColorofChange, an Internet-based organization that aims to strengthen the political voice of black Americans.

According to the DOJ press release, the initiative is funded through a $4.75 million grant to “create a substantial investment in training, evidence-based strategies, policy development and research to combat distrust and hostility between law enforcement and the communities they serve.”

It was prompted by the recent controversy in Ferguson, Missouri, following an officer-involved shooting of an unarmed black man. The incident brought national attention to the challenges of strong police-community relationships, which is a priority for Holder.

The initiative, in partnership with DOJ, will provide training to law enforcement and communities on bias reduction and procedural fairness, applying evidence-based strategies in five pilot sites around the country. It also establishes a clearinghouse where information, research, and technical assistance are accessible for law enforcement, criminal justice practitioners and community leaders, according to the press release.

In lauding the creation of the National Center for Building Community Trust and Justice, ColorofChange, a 501(c)4 formed after the events of Hurricane Katrina, said in its own press release that it “is a positive step in the right direction,” adding that in order “for it to be successful, however, it will take significant community engagement and involvement.”

DOJ awarded the three-year grant to a consortium of national law enforcement experts led by John Jay College of Criminal Justice and including Yale Law School, the Center for Policing Equity at UCLA, and the Urban Institute. The consortium will be guided by a board of advisors made up of law enforcement, academia, and faith-based groups, as well as local groups and civil rights advocates.

According to DOJ, “the initiative will simultaneously address the tenets of procedural justice, reducing implicit bias and facilitating racial reconciliation. [It] will compliment and be advised by other Justice Department components.” It comes out of recommendations made in the My Brother's Keeper Task Force report released in May.

While expressing support for the initiative, ColorofChange made clear the daunting challenges it faces:

“Every day, discriminatory policing tactics target Black youth and adults on the basis of dehumanizing stereotypes, leading to unjust stops, searches, and tragic death. Law enforcement cannot be allowed to kill with impunity. The Department of Justice and the White House must continue to show leadership and implement financial incentives and systemic reforms to demilitarize the police and end racial profiling.

“It's critical that law enforcement is properly trained and held accountable for fair and just policing that respects the dignity and lives of Black and Brown people. As grantees examine and make recommendations to enhance police procedure under this latest initiative, city leaders must also take immediate steps to strengthen police accountability mechanisms, increase civilian oversight, and end failed policing tactics such as Broken Windows policing—or we'll continue to see more tragic police killings like that of Mike Brown, John Crawford, and Eric Garner.”

https://nonprofitquarterly.org/policysocial-context/24872-doj-initiative-to-build-better-community-police-relations-draws-support.html

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U.S. military leaders: Strikes in Syria are just the start of a prolonged campaign

by Craig Whitlock

U.S. military leaders said Tuesday their aerial bombardment of Syria was only the beginning of a prolonged campaign that will continue intermittently for months and will become more difficult as targeted militants seek refuge in populated areas.

The United States is now attacking two sets of enemies in the region: the Islamic State, a growing movement of jihadists seeking to create its own country in the Middle East, and the Khora­san group, a smaller network affiliated with al-Qaeda that officials say is plotting against Europe and the United States.

At the same time, as the U.S. military and its Arab partners prepare more airstrikes in Syria in the coming days, they will have to contend with another adversary: Syrian President Bashar al-Assad.

Although U.S. officials said they were not targeting Assad or his forces, many of the Sunni Muslim allies in President Obama's coalition would like to see Assad's government finally collapse after a devastating civil war. Whether the coalition's intervention in Syria will eventually help or hurt Assad represents one of the greatest unknowns in a military campaign filled with uncertainty.

Army Lt. Gen. William C. Mayville Jr., director of operations for the Joint Staff at the Pentagon, said the objectives set for the U.S.-led war in Iraq and now Syria could take years to complete. The attacks in Syria marked the start of a new phase, coming six weeks after the U.S. military began a similar campaign of airstrikes against Islamic State fighters in neighboring Iraq.

The overarching goal, Mayville said at a news conference, is “to degrade and ultimately destroy” the Islamic State, first by directly attacking the group in both countries, severing its supply lines and disrupting its sources of arms and money.

To succeed over the long term, Mayville added, the United States and its allies will have to train and equip three proxy forces: the Iraqi military, the Kurdish pesh merga fighters and moderate Syrian rebels. All have proved hapless in head-to-head battles with the Islamic State and will require U.S.-military backing to reclaim territory.

“The most important thing is to create some space for the Iraqi security forces to reorganize and replace leadership that needs to be replaced,” Mayville said. “What we have been doing over these last couple of weeks and what last night's campaign was about was simply buying them some space so that they can get on the offensive.”

In confronting the Khorasan group, a network that had received scant public mention before this month, the Obama administration may find itself acting largely on its own.

The first wave of strikes, which took place on what was late Monday in Washington, primarily consisted of dozens of Tomahawk cruise missiles launched by U.S. warships against eight Khorasan group targets in northwestern Syria, near Aleppo. Military officials said they attacked Khorasan training camps, a munitions production center, a communications building and other sites.

Mayville justified the blitz by citing U.S. intelligence reports showing the Khorasan group “was in the final stages of plans to execute major attacks against Western targets and potentially the U.S. homeland.”

He did not elaborate on those reports and declined to comment when asked whether there was evidence that any plots had been set into motion. He also said the military was still assessing the overall damage it inflicted on the Khorasan group and whether its ability to carry out attacks beyond the region had been diminished.

The strikes against the Khora­san group were an exclusively American operation. Mayville did not explain why Arab allies did not participate in that phase, but other U.S. military officials noted that it would have been difficult for Arab warplanes to bypass air defenses and cross deep into Syrian airspace to reach Aleppo.

It is also unclear whether the five Arab partners consider Khorasan — which refers to an ancient Islamic region that covered parts of present-day Iran and Afghanistan — to be as grave a threat to their national interests as the Islamic State.

Warplanes from Saudi Arabia, Jordan, the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain participated in the second and third wave of airstrikes against Islamic State targets in north-central and eastern Syria, near the Iraqi border, according to Pentagon officials. Qatar also sent military aircraft in a supporting role, they said.

U.S. military officials said they conducted two more airstrikes Tuesday against Islamic State targets in Syria.

Mayville was reluctant to describe how substantial a role the Arab countries played, acknowledging only that the U.S. military dropped “a preponderance” of the ordnance.

All told, about 200 missiles, bombs and rockets were launched against 22 separate targets in Syria on Monday, U.S. military officials said.

In comparison, since Aug. 8, the U.S. military has conducted airstrikes against 194 Islamic State targets in Iraq. U.S. officials said that they expected the pace of airstrikes in both countries to ebb and flow in the coming days but that Monday's attacks on Syria probably represented a high point.

The Pentagon deployed a mix of aircraft, including B-1 bombers, armed Reaper drones and several types of fighter jets Monday. Among them was the F-22 Raptor, an advanced stealth fighter that has been in the Air Force's fleet for a decade but until Monday had never been used in combat.

The Tomahawk cruise missiles were launched by two warships, the USS Arleigh Burke in the Red Sea and the USS Philippine Sea in the Persian Gulf. Also participating in the airstrikes were Navy F/A-18 Hornet fighters flying from the USS George H.W. Bush, an aircraft carrier in the Persian Gulf.

In a sign of Arab nations' sensitivity about their participation, the Pentagon refrained from saying where the other U.S. warplanes and drones that attacked Syria are based. The vast majority are stationed at installations in the Persian Gulf, including several large air bases in Qatar, the UAE and Kuwait. Although the existence of the bases is an open secret, those countries have asked Washington to keep the arrangements quiet.

The allied command center for the complex air operations was at al-Udeid Air Base in Qatar, U.S. officials acknowledged.

The U.S. military also has warplanes and drones stationed at a major joint base in Turkey, a NATO ally that shares a long border with Syria and Iraq. But Turkey has balked at allowing its territory to be used for airstrikes in either country.

The Pentagon released before-and-after reconnaissance photographs of a handful of selected targets in Syria to demonstrate how American forces relied on precision-guided munitions to avoid causing unnecessary damage.

Mayville said he was unaware of any credible reports of civilian casualties. He said the strikes had not intentionally targeted individual enemy commanders, but he acknowledged that such leaders had been “routinely” present at some of the targeted sites.

Prior to Monday, the Syrian government had repeatedly warned the United States and other countries not to violate its sovereignty by launching strikes. At the same time, there were clear signs that Assad welcomed the attacks on his foes.

Rear Adm. John Kirby, the Pentagon press secretary, said the United States did not coordinate the strikes with Assad's government, although Washington did inform the Syrian government through its ambassador to the United Nations that the strikes would be carried out at some point.

Mayville said that Syrian military radar was “passive” in the face of the airstrikes and that Assad's forces made no attempt to defend Syrian airspace.

In brief remarks outside the White House on Tuesday, Obama stressed that “this is not America's fight alone” and vowed to press the battle against “these terrorists” in concert with U.S. allies.

“The overall effort will take time,” Obama said on the South Lawn. “There will be challenges ahead. But we are going to do what's necessary to take the fight to this terrorist group.”

After his remarks, Obama boarded his Marine One helicopter for the first leg of a trip to New York to attend the opening of the U.N. General Assembly. He said he would meet there with the new prime minister of Iraq and with other friends and allies opposed to the Islamic State.

http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/us-attacks-islamic-state-in-syria-with-five-middle-east-partners/2014/09/23/b78ad7e8-c8f2-4aa8-aaa7-ec92572f6716_story.html

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Jordanian court acquits al-Qaeda linked cleric of plotting attacks on Americans, Israelis

by Karin Laub

A Jordanian court on Wednesday acquitted radical Muslim preacher Abu Qatada – known for his fiery pro-al-Qaida speeches – of involvement in a plot to target Israeli and American tourists and Western diplomats in Jordan more than a decade ago.The ruling capped a lengthy legal odyssey for the 53-year-old cleric who has been described as a onetime lieutenant to Osama bin Laden, but in recent months emerged as a harsh critic of the Islamic State militant group. Abu Qatada was deported from Britain to Jordan last year, after years of fighting extradition.

Hours after the ruling, Abu Qatada was released from prison and was a free man, his defence lawyers Husein Mubaidin and Ghazi Althunibat told The Associated Press, without providing further details.

The three-judge panel unanimously acquitted Abu Qatada “because of the lack of convincing charges against him,” said Judge Ahmed Qattarneh.

The grey-bearded Abu Qatada sat on a bench in a cage in the courtroom, largely blocked from view by black-clad riot policemen lining the case. When the verdict was announced he briefly punched his left fist in the air.

Several family members jumped up from their seats, one calling out “Allahu Akbar,” or “God is great.”

“It's been a long time,” said a female relative, apparently referring to the cleric's time in custody.

The case had been tried in Jordan's State Security court, but with civilian judges.

Abu Qatada was charged with involvement in plans to target Israeli and American tourists and Western diplomats in Jordan in 2000 – the so-called “millennium plot.”

Separately, he was acquitted in June in another case, a foiled 1999 plan to attack an American school in Amman. He had pleaded not guilty to both sets of charges in the proceedings against him.

Reacting to the verdict, Britain's immigration and security minister, James Brokenshire, said “it is right that the due process of law has taken place in Jordan.”

He said Abu Qatada had been deported from Britain because courts there determined he posed a threat to national security. “Abu Qatada remains subject to a deportation order and a United Nations travel ban. He is not coming back to the UK,” Brokenshire said.

The West Bank-born Abu Qatada fled a Jordanian crackdown on militants, arriving in Britain on a forged passport in 1993. He was granted asylum a year later, but eventually wore out his welcome because of his suspected militant activities.

He had been convicted in absentia and sentenced to life in prison on both Jordanian charges. But on his extradition to Jordan last July, those sentences were suspended and he was ordered to stand a new trial.

Abu Qatada, whose real name is Omar Mahmoud Mohammed Othman, had questioned the impartiality of Jordan's military court, an issue that delayed his deportation from Britain for years. But last June, Britain and Jordan ratified a treaty on torture, paving the way for his extradition.

While in custody in Jordan, Abu Qatada had emerged as an influential critic of Islamic State militants who have killed thousands of people, beheaded Westerners – including two American journalists – and captured large swaths of Syria and northern and western Iraq in a blitz this summer.

In a court appearance earlier this month, Abu Qatada said he is certain the Islamic State group will be vanquished, adding that “they have the ability to kill and destroy, not to build.”

His comments reflected the bitter rivalry between al-Qaida and the Islamic State group, which has rejected al-Qaida's central authority. The al-Qaida branch in Syria, known as the Nusra Front, has fought the Islamic State.

Abu Qatada's criticism has given legitimacy to the struggle against the Islamic State group, said Fawaz Gerges, a Britain-based expert on Islamic militants, speaking before the verdict.

“The fact that the Jordanian authorities are allowing him (Abu Qatada) to make statements shows the importance of his voice at this particular junction in the struggle against Daesh,” said Gerges, using an Arabic acronym for Islamic State.

Another renowned jihadi ideologue in Jordan, Abu Mohammed al-Maqdisi, has also come out against the Islamic State group.

Over the weekend, al-Maqdisi called on Islamic State militants to release British aid worker Alan Henning and said non-Muslims who aid need Muslims should be protected.

Al-Maqdisi was released from prison in Jordan in June, after serving five years on terrorism charges.

http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/world/jordanian-court-acquits-al-qaeda-linked-cleric-of-plotting-attacks-on-americans-israelis/article20755448/

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Bin Laden Son-In-Law To Spend Rest Of Life Behind Bars

by Kat De Guzman

Osama Bin Laden's son-in-law, Suleiman Abu Ghaith, was sentenced to life in imprisonment Tuesday after a U.S. distric judge found he acted as the voice of al-Qaeda and one of those responsible for the Sept.11 attacks.

U.S. District Judge Lewis Kaplan rendered the sentence right after Abu Ghaith made a statement that had to be translated via an interpreter since he spoke in Arabic

In his statement, Ghaith, 48, said he would not ask mercy from anyone but God and quoted the Koran.

He added that at the very moment his hands will be shackled and is to be buried alive, the action will be unleashing the "hands of hundreds of Muslim youths and they will join the rally of the free men."

In response, Kaplan said Ghaith showed no regret in a video where the suspect was seen amused by the attack that killed over 3,000 people.

One of the videos goes way October 2001 with Ghaith seen promising that the storm of airplanes will not stop. It was used to indicate Ghaith knew about the planned attacks at the twin towers in New York.

A federal jury from Manhattan found out in March he was part of a conspiracy to kill Americans. He also provided material support to the terrorists who responsible for the attacks during the 9/11 bombing.

Abu Ghaith was said to have been the spokesperson for the al Qaeda days after the 9/11 attacks and that he recorded stirring videos in to recruit more members.

Ghaith did admit that he met his father-in-law in an Afghan cave on the day of the attack.

He said bin Laden told him they were the ones who did it. The first video he ever made was a request of bin Laden, but he claimed he was not a member of the militant group.

Assistant U.S. Attorney John Cronan, who was also in attendance, said that Abu Ghaith was a proud member who had a hand in the conspiracy against Americans and that bin Laden relied heavily on him, opposing Abu Ghaith's claims.

Abu Ghaith's lawyer, Stanley Cohen, noted that his client was only guilty of provocative speeches, but not enough evidence could be linked to him regarding the plots that the al Qaeda group planned.

U.S. Attorney Eric Holder commented on the trial saying that this is another case that proves anyone who threatens America and its people will always be held accountable.

http://www.chinatopix.com/articles/12364/20140924/bin-laden-son-law-spend-rest-life-behind-bars.htm

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Colorado

Hundreds of Students Protest in Denver over New Proposal from School Board

by Andrew Foster

Hundreds of students from Denver high-school walked out of their classrooms on Tuesday to protest a proposal suggested by the school board. As per the proposal, the school's history education will focus on topics that "promote citizenship, patriotism and respect for authority".

Denver post reported that over the past days, some tensions have been building up due to the proposed curriculum and the evaluation-based system for rewarding the educators.

But the new curriculum proposal raised the issue when the school board announced that they would focus on the topics that would highlight the "positive aspects" of the United States and its heritage. Through this, the school authorities believe that they would avoid material that could encourage civil disorder or disregard of the law.

Two high schools were closed on Friday and on Monday several students from six high schools started to protest, which carried on till Tuesday. It was found that almost 50 teachers from both the schools either took personal day leave or said they were not well.

Several students participated in the protest against their disapproval of the school board's proposal.

Debbie Velarde, a junior at Wheat Ridge High school, said, "Our entire history, things that changed America for the better, were acts of civil disobedience. The Declaration of Independence was an act of civil disobedience".

Another student from the Ralston Valley High School in Arvada said she did not want their education to be censored. She also insisted on the point that it is very important for them to know what all happened in the past.

According to the Denver Post, a conservative majority was elected last year and even a new superintendent was hired. It was also found that the proposed changes that have occurred are all done on the orders of Julie Williams, who was part of the school board's conservative majority.

http://uncovercalifornia.com/content/21748-hundreds-students-protest-denver-over-new-proposal-school-board

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Maryland

Baltimore police investigate arrest beating

by Associated Press

BALTIMORE — Five Baltimore Police officers have been placed on administrative leave after making an arrest that involved hitting a man with a baton and using a stun gun.

The man is charged with assault of a police officer following the struggle outside a bar early Tuesday.

Police say officers were called to the bar around 2 a.m. for reports that a man, Jamar Kennedy, was fighting with the bar's bouncer. A cell phone video from a civilian at the scene shows the man pushing against officers, and one officer falling to the ground. One of the officers then beats the man with a baton, and an officer later uses a stun gun.

Commissioner Anthony Batts announced the department is investigating the incident and reviewing the video.

http://www.washingtonpost.com/local/baltimore-police-investigate-arrest-beating/2014/09/23/9fa4ee10-4370-11e4-8042-aaff1640082e_story.html

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Washington

Freedom Faulted Again?

by Tom Sherwood

The U.S. Secret Service is embarrassed. And who will pay the price for that? It looks like there will be another hit to the dwindling freedom of the American public to gather in our nation's capital.

Despite all the flourishes of heavy security in place around the White House, last Friday a lone man scaled the fence and made it nearly 100 yards to the north portico entry. No dogs were loosed to bring him down. No weapons fired. No all-hands-on-deck deployed. It was an open field run by an intruder that was seen by tourists but not, apparently, by security guards.

As we said, embarrassing.

But instead of the embarrassed Secret Service saying it will reassess its procedures and make corrections, it apparently may go after the easier target of moving the public even farther from the White House. New temporary fencing is in place a few feet from the main fence. Media reports said the agency is considering airport-style screening stations blocks from what was once “the People's House.”

That's simply “securicrats” at work.

In Monday's Washington Post, careful veteran reporter Carol D. Leonnig wrote this:
“The New York Times first reported Sunday that the Secret Service was considering screening visitors' bags and identification farther away from the White House.

“The Secret Service and every presidential administration has struggled to strike an admittedly awkward balance of keeping the White House both open and secure. Officials have worked to keep the White House compound a ‘hard target' but also to give the American people the feeling that it is ‘the people's house' and not an impenetrable fortress,” she wrote.

There's no doubt the Secret Service officials have “talked” a lot about balancing openness and security, but the record seems to show security fear winning out.

The White House public tours? When were you last on one? The public is barely welcome. Americans have to apply through their local congressional office. At minimum you must apply at least 21 days ahead, and it can take as long as six months.

The 1600 Pennsylvania Ave. address ceased to exist back in 1996. That's when President Bill Clinton approved the Secret Service decision to permanently close the avenue between 15th and 17th streets. Side streets along Lafayette Park — once teeming with American commerce — have long since been closed. And E Street on the south side of the White House remains blocked, cutting off ribbons of commerce on that side, too.

There's no doubt that providing 24/7 security is a tough and demanding job. The potential for boredom or fatigue can sap even the most earnest guard. That's why they change shifts, walk, ride and patrol. Staying alert is the crux of the job.

Simply enlarging the secure area is an easy way to lessen the task. Well, it is until some deranged person, criminal or terrorist decides to take out the new screening posts. Then will we need more expansion?

Over the weekend, one person, responding to the new restrictions being considered, tweeted:
“Man manages to climb the fence, the INTERIOR security fails at all levels, & the people outside need to stay further away? Um…”

That about sums it up.

We have to stop allowing tourists, veterans, families and foreign visitors to stand near the high White House fencing for souvenir pictures because the security team on the other side was caught napping?

Somebody needs a wake-up call. But it's not the free American people.

http://www.nbcwashington.com/news/local/Sherwoods-Notebook-Freedom-Faulted-Again-276894251.html

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U.S. and Arab partners bomb ISIS in Syria

by Holly Yan and Jim Sciutto

The United States and several Arab nations rained bombs on ISIS targets in Syria on Tuesday -- the first U.S. military offensive in the war-torn country and a forceful message to the militant group that the U.S. would not stand by idly while it carried out its rampage of terror.

The airstrikes focused on the city of Raqqa, the declared capital of ISIS' self-proclaimed Islamic State. But other areas were hit as well.

The operation began with a flurry of Tomahawk missiles launched from the sea, followed by attacks from bomber and fighter aircraft, a senior U.S. military official told CNN.

The goal: Taking out ISIS' ability to command, train and resupply its militants.

The number of casualties was not immediately clear. But U.S. Central Command said the 14 strikes damaged or destroyed ISIS targets including fighters, training compounds, command-and-control facilities, a finance center and supply trucks.

CNN National Security Analyst Fran Townsend said attacks on infrastructure are just the beginning.

Eventually, she said, there will likely be "a real campaign to go after leadership targets."

Celebration amid fear

For months, civilians in Raqqa have been living under the harsh rule of ISIS after militants took over their city, which had been one of the nation's most liberal cities. The group now controls much of their lives, imposing a strict brand of Sharia law and doling out barbaric punishments, such as beheadings and crucifixions .

Abo Ismail, an opposition activist inside Raqqa, said Tuesday that residents were elated to see the U.S. attacking ISIS targets there.

But at the same time, he said, ISIS has increased security in the city.

"I would dance in the streets, but I am too afraid," Ismail said.

A U.S. intelligence official said that while law enforcement is aware the airstrikes against ISIS in Syria could incite a response, there is no evidence to suggest any terrorist strike is in the works against the United States.

Arab countries on board

Perhaps the most surprising part of the strikes against ISIS was who joined the United States.

Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Jordan and Qatar all assisted with the operation, sources told CNN.

"It's a remarkable diplomatic achievement," said CNN political commentator Peter Beinhart. "I don't think it was expected that there would be this much Arab support."

Former CIA counterterrorism official Philip Mudd said the inclusion of Sunni-majority countries fighting a radical Sunni militant group sends a strong message.

"Prominent religious leaders have said ISIS is not representative of Islam, and now you have countries that are coming to the fore to attack it," he said.

U.S. also attacks al Qaeda franchise

ISIS wasn't the only terror group targeted by U.S. strikes.

On Tuesday, U.S. Central Command said the United States has "taken action to disrupt the imminent attack plotting against the United States and Western interests" conducted by Khorasan, a new al Qaeda franchise operating in Syria.

"These strikes were undertaken only by U.S. assets," the military said.

In total, U.S. Central Command said it conducted eight strikes against Khorasan targets west of Aleppo. The targets included training camps, an explosives and munitions production facility, a communication building and command and control facilities.

A 'punch in the nose'

Until now, ISIS has been able to take over cities and operate in Syria with near impunity. Now, it's coming under attack.

"This is the punch in the nose to the bully that we talked about on the playground," former Delta Force officer James Reese said. "ISIS is the bully, and we just punched him in the nose."

The United States has been conducting airstrikes against ISIS in Iraq, but never before against the militant group in Syria.

Syrian opposition: Finally

With the airstrikes, the United States enters a new level of engagement in the ongoing Syrian civil war.

For three years, Syrian rebels have been clamoring for Western military help as they battle regime forces and seek an end to four decades of al-Assad family rule. But the United States has resisted military action in Syria.

The difference now? ISIS, its bloody takeover of stretches of Iraq and Syria, and its threat to Americans.

"I have made it clear that we will hunt down terrorists who threaten our country, wherever they are," President Barack Obama said in a September 10 speech.

"That means I will not hesitate to take action against ISIL in Syria, as well as Iraq. This is a core principle of my presidency: if you threaten America, you will find no safe haven."

The Free Syria Foreign Mission said it was elated by the U.S. strikes.

"Thank God. What a momentous day -- a day that we have been looking forward to for so, so long," the Syrian opposition group said. "It's a big step forward, but we are nonetheless clear eyed that it will be a prolonged campaign to defeat ISIS."

Ironically, the U.S.-led offensive might please the Syrian dictator as much as it does the Syrian opposition.

"It helps him because we're taking out one of the threats to his regime," said retired Air Force intelligence officer Lt. Col. Rick Francona.

"If we destroy ISIS, which we're committed to do ... that takes the biggest player off the table. And all he has to worry about is the smaller, less effective al Qaeda in Syria -- al-Nusra -- and the (rebel) Free Syrian Army, both of whom he has bested in the past couple of years."

Too little, too late?

But some say the United States waited too long to act against ISIS in Syria.

"The airstrikes have come much too late in the case of Syria, where the IS militants have had over a year to entrench themselves within the region -- especially the province of Raqqa," said Natasha Underhill, an expert on Middle East terrorism at Nottingham Trent University.

She said ISIS "is deeply entrenched in both Syria and Iraq, and it may take a lot more than airstrikes to make a dent in their campaign of creating an even larger caliphate across the Middle East."

Acting without Congress

The White House says it doesn't need any new authority to carry out such attacks. It says it's using an existing authorization to combat al Qaeda to expand its airstrike campaign.

But some lawmakers say it's Congress' role, not the President's, to declare war. They said they were open to holding a vote on military action against ISIS -- but not until after the midterm elections in November.

"It was one thing to attack in Iraq, where you had a government that wanted us to," Beinhart said. "But Congress did not vote for U.S. airstrikes in Syria, and we don't have a government requesting us to do that."

Not over yet

Mudd said Tuesday's attacks were "just the start."

"This is not a definitive blow," said Mudd, who previously worked for the CIA.

"When this gets interesting to me ... is six months down the road, when a second-tier ISIS commander starts to create some sort of cell to recruit foreigners from Europe or the United States or Canada into Syria. Do we still have the will and capability, and the intelligence, to locate that person, or that group of people, and put lead on the target?"

http://www.cnn.com/2014/09/23/world/meast/isis-airstrikes/

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Florida

Community policing stirs controversy in Newtown

by Bobeth Yates

SARASOTA, Fla. -- Efforts to revitalize the Sarasota Police Department's community policing program are taking a step forward. Tomorrow, police will host another community forum to get input from newtown residents. They hope to help decrease crime in the area.

From her first day on the job, Chief Bernadette DiPino has been talking about community policing.

“I strongly believe in that development of relationships and partnerships with our community," the Chief said during her swearing in back in 2013.

Some would say DiPino is a perfect fit, since the City of Sarasota has been working to implement similar plans for years.

But the issue of community policing has once again come to the forefront, as law enforcement and residents prepare for an initiative called "A New Beginning for Newtown."

"The main goal of it is to get our community receptive to partnering with the police department in order to keep our community safe," says DiPino. “We can't do it alone as police officers, we need the eyes and ears of the citizens. We need their active support and participation in reporting crimes."

The slogan “Blue and you equals a safer community” is being used to promote the initiative, which came to a head when Sarasota Police Department showed surveillance video to city officials that showed a crowd gathered along MLK Way in which an armed individual shoots into the air before waving the gun several times.

The shooter was later apprehended, but the situation sparked what some called a compromise between businesses and the police: merchants would agree to close stores along the MLK corridor earlier to discourage crowds from gathering late at night.

Yassir Hassan is the owner of Dread's Food Store, and he says he never made any agreements and his restaurant has since suffered.

"Well, everybody scared you gonna get a ticket or a violation for, like, trespassing,” he says. “We missing a lot of money, we missing a lot of customers."

Hassan says the recent efforts to community police didn't include him, and his restaurant -- once open until 4 a.m. -- is being forced to shut down early.

"I never agree to close my business at 2:30 a.m., that's when I start making my money," he says.

Hassan isn't alone. Some say the recent effort to community police is just another way to unfairly target Newtown residents.

"If they target Siesta Key I'm more than sure they'll find more crime on Siesta Key,” says resident Lance Shabaz. “If you target St. Armand Circle you have more crime on St. Armands Circle, so any time you put a bulls-eye, you are going to find a lot."

http://www.mysuncoast.com/news/local/community-policing-stirs-controversy-in-newtown/article_224bf63e-429e-11e4-a3a7-001a4bcf6878.html

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Opinion

Texas

‘See Something, Say Something' community policing turning Americans into snitches for police state

by John W. Whitehead

“There were relatively few secret police, and most were just processing the information coming in. I had found a shocking fact. It wasn't the secret police who were doing this wide-scale surveillance and hiding on every street corner. It was the ordinary German people who were informing on their neighbors.”—Professor Robert Gellately

If you see something suspicious, says the Department of Homeland Security, say something about it to the police, call it in to a government hotline, or report it using a convenient app on your smart phone.

(If you're a whistleblower wanting to snitch on government wrongdoing, however, forget about it—the government doesn't take kindly to having its dirty deeds publicized and, God forbid, being made to account for them.)

For more than a decade now, the DHS has plastered its “See Something, Say Something” campaign on the walls of metro stations, on billboards, on coffee cup sleeves, at the Super Bowl, even on television monitors in the Statue of Liberty. Now colleges, universities and even football teams and sporting arenas are lining up for grants to participate in the program.

This DHS slogan is nothing more than the government's way of indoctrinating “we the people” into the mindset that we're an extension of the government and, as such, have a patriotic duty to be suspicious of, spy on, and turn in our fellow citizens.

This is what is commonly referred to as community policing. Yet while community policing and federal programs such as “See Something, Say Something” are sold to the public as patriotic attempts to be on guard against those who would harm us, they are little more than totalitarian tactics dressed up and repackaged for a more modern audience as well-intentioned appeals to law and order and security.

The police state could not ask for a better citizenry than one that carries out its own policing.

After all, the police can't be everywhere. So how do you police a nation when your population outnumbers your army of soldiers? How do you carry out surveillance on a nation when there aren't enough cameras, let alone viewers, to monitor every square inch of the country 24/7? How do you not only track but analyze the transactions, interactions and movements of every person within the United States?

The answer is simpler than it seems: You persuade the citizenry to be your eyes and ears. You hype them up on color-coded “Terror alerts,” keep them in the dark about the distinctions between actual threats and staged “training” drills so that all crises seem real, desensitize them to the sight of militarized police walking their streets, acclimatize them to being surveilled “for their own good,” and then indoctrinate them into thinking that they are the only ones who can save the nation from another 9/11.

As historian Robert Gellately points out, a Nazi order requires at least some willing collaborators to succeed. In other words, this is how you turn a people into extensions of the omniscient, omnipotent, omnipresent police state, and in the process turn a citizenry against each other.

It's a brilliant ploy, with the added bonus that while the citizenry remains focused on and distrustful of each other and shadowy forces from outside the country, they're incapable of focusing on more definable threats that fall closer to home—namely, the government and its cabal of Constitution-destroying agencies and corporate partners.

Community policing did not come about as a feel-good, empowering response to individuals trying to “take back” their communities from crime syndicates and drug lords. Rather, “Community-Oriented Policing” or COPs (short for Community Partnerships, Organizational Transformation, and Problem Solving) is a Department of Justice program designed to foster partnerships between police agencies and members of the community. (Remember, this is the same Justice Department which, in conjunction with the DHS, has been providing funding and equipping local police agencies across the country with surveillance devices and military gear. These same local police have been carrying out upwards of 80,000 SWAT team raids a year on individuals, some of whom are guilty of nothing more than growing tomatoes, and breeding orchids without the proper paperwork.)

Mind you, this is a far cry from community engagement, which is what I grew up with as a kid. Then as now, there were always neighbors watching what you bought, what you said, what you did, who you did it with, etc. My own mother proudly peered out our living room window with a pair of military-issue binoculars to keep an eye on the goings on in the neighborhood. The difference was that if there was a problem, it was dealt with as a community. When my neighbor spied me running through his flower garden, he didn't call the cops—he called my mother. When I sassed the manager of the general store, he didn't turn me in to the cops—he reported it to my mother. Likewise, when my next-door neighbor (who happened to be the police chief) caught me in the act of egging cars one Halloween, he didn't haul me down to the precinct—“I'm taking you to a far worse place,” he said, “your Dad.”

So, if there's nothing wrong with community engagement, if the police can't be everywhere at once, if surveillance cameras do little to actually prevent crime, and if we need to “take back our communities” from the crime syndicates and drug lords, then what's wrong with community policing and “See Something, Say Something”?

What's wrong is that these programs are not, in fact, making America any safer. Instead, they're turning us into a legalistic, intolerant, squealing, bystander nation content to report a so-called violation to the cops and then turn a blind eye to the ensuing tragedies.

Apart from the sheer idiocy of arresting people for such harmless “crimes” as raising pet chickens, letting their kids walk to the park alone, peeling the bark off a tree, holding prayer meetings in their backyard and living off the grid, there's also the unfortunate fact that once the police are called in, with their ramped up protocols, battlefield mindset, militarized weapons, uniforms and equipment, and war zone tactics, it's a process that is near impossible to turn back and one that too often ends in tragedy for all those involved.

For instance, when a neighbor repeatedly called the police to report that 5-year-old Phoenix Turnbull was keeping a pet red hen (nickname: Carson Petey) in violation of an Atwater, Minnesota, city ordinance against backyard chickens, the police chief got involved. In an effort to appease the complaining neighbor and “protect a nearby elementary school from a chicken on the loose,” the police chief walked onto the Turnbull's property, decapitated the hen with a shovel, deposited the severed head on the family's front stoop, and left a neighborhood child to report the news that “the cops killed your chicken!”

Now things could have been worse. The police chief could have opted to do a SWAT-team style raid on the Turnbulls' chicken coop, as other police departments have taken to raiding goat cheese farmers, etc. The Turnbulls could also have been made to serve jail time or pay a hefty fine for violating an established ordinance. In fact, this happens routinely to individuals who grow vegetable gardens and install solar panels in violation of city ordinances.

At a minimum, the Atwater city council needs to revisit its ban on backyard chickens, especially at a time when increasing numbers of Americans are attempting, for economic or health reasons, to grow or raise their own organic food, and the police chief needs to scale back on his aggression towards our feathered friends. But what about the complaining neighbor?

It's fine to be shocked by the convergence of militarized police in Ferguson, Mo., it's appropriate to be outraged by the SWAT team raid that left a Georgia toddler in the ICU, and it's fitting to take umbrage with the inane laws that result in parents being arrested for leaving their 10-year-old kids in air conditioned cars while they run into a store, but where's the indignation over the police state's partners-in crime—the neighbors, the clerks, the utility workers—who turn in their fellow citizens for little more than having unsightly lawns and voicing controversial ideas?

In much the same way the old African proverb “it takes a village to raise a child” was used to make the case for an all-encompassing government program of social welfare, the DHS and the DOJ are attempting to make the case that it takes a nation to catch a terrorist.

To this end, the Justice Department identifies five distinct “partners” in the community policing scheme: law enforcement and other government agencies, community members and groups, nonprofits, churches and service providers, private businesses and the media.

Together, these groups are supposed to “identify” community concerns, “engage” the community in achieving specific goals, serve as “powerful” partners with the government, and add their “considerable resources” to the government's already massive arsenal of technology and intelligence. The mainstream media's role, long recognized as being a mouthpiece for the government, is formally recognized as “publicizing” services from government or community agencies or new laws or codes that will be enforced, as well as shaping public perceptions of the police, crime problems, and fear of crime.

Amazingly, the Justice Department guidelines sound as if they were taken from a Nazi guide on how to rule a nation. “Germans not only watched out for ‘crimes' and other deviations” of fellow German citizens, Gellately writes, “but they watched each other.”

Should you find yourself suddenly unnerved at the prospect of being spied on by your neighbors, your actions scrutinized, your statements dissected, and your motives second-guessed, not to worry, this is par for the course in the American police state.

Constitutional attorney and author John W. Whitehead is founder and president of The Rutherford Institute.

http://www.yourhoustonnews.com/sugar_land/opinion/see-something-say-something-community-policing-turning-americans-into-snitches/article_b3acb94a-42fa-11e4-93d3-3b7c1b095263.html

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Texas

Time to build a partnership between police officers and communities they serve

by Ben Jealous

What is community policing? In the wake of increased shootings in Ferguson and around the country, there has been a renewed public interest in the role of police, the extent of police brutality, and the prevalence of racial bias.

These are not new issues, and in fact a number of organizations have been working for decades to increase trust between law enforcement and the communities they serve. Among these is the National Coalition Building Institute (NCBI), a nonprofit leadership program headquartered in Washington DC, whose leaders I spoke with recently.

Founded in 1984, NCBI focuses on eliminating prejudice and resolving inter-group conflict. They work in cities across the U.S. and overseas to build the capacity of local leaders in schools, college campuses, police departments, and environmental organizations to lead prevention-oriented workshops and to intervene in the face of tough inter group conflict. One of NCBI's key programs, the Law Enforcement Community Citizen Project, focuses on building productive relationships between police and the communities they serve.

The NCBI Law Enforcement Community Citizen Project was initially funded in 2002 by a grant from the COPS office (the office of Community Policing at the US Department of Justice) to work in Bethlehem, PA and King County, WA. Since then the program has been implemented in Atlantic City, NJ as well as numerous communities throughout Pennsylvania, Missoula, MO, and Seattle, WA.

NCBI is called on to bridge the divide between community members and police officers. NCBI leads Train the Trainer programs, Welcoming Diversity and Inclusion Workshops, and Leadership Institutes for officers and community activists to educate them in skills to foster cooperative relationships. Some communities have contacted NCBI when there have been specific difficulties between white police officers and people or neighborhoods of color that have been singled out by police. From their experience, NCBI has learned that it is best to offer communities a prevention-oriented, trust building approach. This way, NCBI builds the ongoing capacity of law enforcement and community activists to work in partnership to increase safety for all citizens in the community.

I spoke with Fabienne Brooks, who along with Guillermo Lopez is co-director of NCBI's Law Enforcement Program. Brooks is a retired Chief of Detectives for the King County Police Department in Seattle, WA. She was the first Black female officer in county history to be hired as a deputy, and throughout her career she made a point to immerse herself in the community that she served. The neighborhood she patrolled was the same neighborhood where she attended church and raised her family. After 26 years on the job, she retired and joined NCBI so she could continue her passion for community policing.

Ms. Brooks told me that “an important part of community policing occurs when an officer recognizes that they are part of a community, and the community understands the same about the officer. It includes forming empathetic relationships between law enforcement and community members, which results in increased officer safety and safety for all members of the community.”

The NCBI Law Enforcement Community Partnership project builds trust between law enforcement and community leaders by helping each side to understand the daily realities of the other. Each has a key story to tell. Each deserves respectful listening. By teaching listening skills and conflict resolution practices and by helping each side see the humanity and legitimate concerns of the other, trust and partnership increases. In addition, NCBI teaches specific skill sets that help each side to confront the biases they have learned about each other that get in the way of equitable treatment of the entire community– particularly the equitable treatment of people from different racial groups. NCBI believes in practices that will bring about institutional change not one-time trainings or quick fixes.

As just one example of the outcomes of the NCBI's COPS and Community project, consider what happened in Bethlehem, Pennsylvania. In 2005, a pool frequented by Latino young people had been closed for repairs and the young people went to another pool. Within minutes, the mainly white life guards felt threatened by the presence of the Latino young people, called the police and the police, ignoring the pleas of the Latino parents for calm, called for increased back up.

A huge altercation between the parents and the police continued for months. The NCBI trained police/ community activist team was able to bring the parents and police together, and using their NCBI skills, bring about increased trust and understanding.

In Ferguson, Former Chief Brooks sees an opportunity for an effective community-policing program to emerge from the chaos and violence of the past few weeks. “Now, there is a chance for police and the community to hear each other,” she said. “The focus needs to be on how people are treated. If you can train officers how to treat ALL people with dignity and respect – that is a victory.”

Brook's co-director Guillermo Lopez explained that community policing cannot be accomplished with the wave of a wand, “You don't go in trying to change a whole department; you go in trying to change a few people, who eventually come to change the whole department. We can start by focusing attention and financial resources on organizations like NCBI, so they can continue spreading the word that emphasize the ‘serve' aspect of “Protect and Serve”.

“The establishment of a sustained value and practice for coalition building skills between Community and Law Enforcement is a pathway to conflict resolution and will create a climate which fosters violence prevention”. Joyce Shabazz, Consulting Associate Senior Trainer / Director Of Affinity Caucus Programs

As Brooks told me, “Police officers meet with the community, hear tough things, say tough things and confront their prejudices together – this is how we will move forward.”

To reach NCBI, visit www.ncbi.org or call (202) 785-9400.

http://northdallasgazette.com/2014/09/22/time-to-build-a-partnership-between-police-officers-and-communities-they-serve/

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Ohio

When Missing Persons Cases Go Cold

by Michelle Sullivan

When a person—child or adult—disappears, family and friends are often left with nothing but unanswered questions and unhealed wounds. They replay moments again and again, spend hours gazing out the front window, leave lights on, pray. It's a torment that likely won't cease until they find the person they so miss, or, in many cases, not even then.

On an ordinary Friday night near Ohio State's campus, students swarmed High Street, the pulsing artery of university nightlife aglow with street lamps and neon signs. They filled rows of bars and restaurants, shaking off any last remnants of winter's hibernation. It was March 31, 2006, spring break was right around the corner and the weather was beginning to warm. Too cool for shorts, but balmy enough that long sleeves could stand in for a jacket.

That evening, Brian Shaffer, a second-year Ohio State medical student, had dinner with his father at an East Side steak house before meeting a friend at Ugly Tuna Saloona, an upstairs bar in the South Campus Gateway. He was set to depart for Miami, Florida, the following Monday for a vacation with his longtime girlfriend, also a medical student at Ohio State. She was anticipating a marriage proposal, she had told friends, and was hoping it would happen on the trip they'd planned for spring break. She had left Columbus to stay with her parents in Toledo for the weekend. When she spoke to Brian on the phone around 10 p.m., she had no idea it would be the last time she would ever talk to her boyfriend.

Later, a friend would tell Brian's father and the police he and Brian were separated in the crowded bar and, although he'd called Brian repeatedly when he was ready to leave, he never found him. Video surveillance backs this, and it also shows Brian entering the bar but never exiting.

The handsome, dark-haired 27-year-old student was gone. His car was still where he'd parked it near his off-campus apartment, which was tidy and virtually undisturbed. None of the belongings he carried with him that night were ever found—no keys, no wallet, no clothes or shoes. Here one day, gone the next.

The story quickly gained national attention. “Dateline NBC” and Fox News aired national reports, and the case has since been featured in TV specials on mysterious disappearances. It gripped Columbus especially. Paper fliers covered telephone poles and message boards as volunteers searched for any clues as to what happened to Brian. His friends and family were left to endure the aftermath. Among them, a grief-stricken father, a scared younger brother and a devastated girlfriend, all seeking answers and waiting for Brian to come home.

More than eight years later, they're still waiting.

So, too, are the friends and family of the estimated 90,000 people who are missing in the U.S. today, according to the National Missing and Unidentified Persons System. They share a pain that only those who have experienced it truly understand. It's a heartache that never eases, a wound that never heals. Often, there's no funeral to attend, no body to lay to rest. For those whose son or daughter, brother or sister, child or parent, friend or spouse has gone missing, grief and hope intertwine and spin a complicated web of emotions, each competing for the lead role. Over months, years and even decades, they wait and wonder and pray, dreaming of the day their endless questions will be answered. Some continue the hunt and others attempt to move on, but none forget.

Brian's unsolved disappearance continues to baffle detectives on the Columbus Division of Police's missing persons unit. Information on the case fills four boxes; that's more than most detailed homicide investigations. Detective Andre Edwards has sifted through the contents of these boxes countless times, searching for something, anything, that could have been overlooked. The sheer lack of leads is part of what makes this one so maddening.

Years ago, when detectives began to piece together the chain of events on the night Brian went missing, Edwards spent hours upon hours scrutinizing the surveillance video that captured the image of Brian just before he vanished. He watched him enter the bar, step outside to talk with friends and re-enter a few minutes later. He rewound the tape over and over again, pausing as each patron exited, waiting for a glimpse of Brian. Edwards can recount it like the scene of a favorite movie.

Grainy footage shows Brian standing at the top of the escalator outside the Ugly Tuna Saloona a little after 1 a.m. on the morning of April 1, 2006, talking to two women whom his friend, Clint Florence, knew from Ohio State. After the two women leave, he walks back inside the bar. Florence and another woman they were with told police later they had seen Brian after he'd returned to the bar and told him they were getting ready to leave. Then they lost track of him. After scanning the bar for Brian, calling him repeatedly and waiting for him outside, they left, assuming he had gone home without telling them.

Edwards saw it all on the video as Brian's friends said it happened. He watched it so many times he could confirm that every person who left the bar had also entered—he'd rewind the tape just to make sure. He wanted to rule out the possibility Brian had changed clothes or disguised himself in some way.

“I can say with 100-percent certainty that Brian Shaffer did not go back down that escalator,” says Edwards, who now works on the division's physical abuse unit. Aside from leaping over the second-story balcony and landing on an awning below, there was only one other way Brian could have left the bar undetected by security cameras. Part of the building was still under construction, and a construction elevator outside surveillance range could have been taken down to the first floor. Several theories of what happened to Brian that night exist, including the possibility he left the bar with the intention of never being found. Some said the stress of medical school, coupled with the death of his mother, who had died of cancer less than a month before he went missing, was enough to drive him away.

“We have three different theories,” says Sgt. Denise Reffitt of the Columbus police missing persons unit, “but none that we can discuss.”

In the weeks that followed, officers canvassed the area for clues and led cadaver dogs through the building. They tracked Brian's cell phone and bank accounts and interviewed friends and family members. The only solid lead they had turned out to be a dead end. Eight years later, police still receive at least two Crime Stoppers tips on Brian each month, but nothing has come of any of them.

Last year, the Columbus police missing persons unit handled more than 4,500 cases, excluding roughly 1,200 cases in which someone had violated a child-custody agreement. Cases rarely stretch from one year to the next; most people are found, one way or another. Still, the unit has its share of cold missing-person cases. One dates back to the 1980s.

“These cases become a part of you,” Reffitt says. “They keep you up at night. You think about them all the time.”

Even today, Edwards finds himself doing double-takes in crowds or while watching TV.

“I'm constantly looking for Brian,” he says. “When I go on vacation now, when I see commercials, if there's anybody that resembles Brian, it catches my eye.” While directing traffic at an Ohio State home football game last year, Edwards swore he saw Brian walking down Lane Avenue. As it turns out, it was actually Brian's brother, Derrek, who still lives in Columbus. Their father died tragically in a storm in 2008. Edwards says he rarely hears from Derrek. (Brian's family members and former girlfriend declined to be interviewed for this story.)

“Every time they get in touch with us, it stirs the memories again,” adds Columbus missing-persons detective Jon Compson. “With some of these long-term cases, we may only hear from the family once every couple years, because it's a sad, dark spot in their life, and they want to move on.”

But for some, there's no moving on—not until they have all the answers.

--

Christina Metzler remembers the last time she saw her sister more than 20 years ago.

It was July 3, 1991, and she was at home in Reynoldsburg. Her older sister, Diana Smith, was at the pool in their condo complex. Diana, 19 at the time, was a rebellious teenager. Though she had a bed in their childhood home, she rarely spent the night. The older she became, the less she'd visit. Christina, three years younger than her sister, didn't pay much attention to her comings and goings. She was too caught up in her own teenage drama to keep tabs on her sister.

On that summer day, their mother, a deeply religious Christian, had told Diana to come inside to get ready to go to church with their older brother and father. Diana, who rejected the family's religion, didn't want to go. So she left.

“I always thought she'd come back,” says Christina, 40. She had every other time before. Diana began running away from home when she was 13, but she'd rarely be gone for more than a few weeks without checking in. “That's what I assumed back then.”

Diana and Christina had been close growing up. They'd have snowball fights in the winter and walk to the local Dairy Queen for ice cream in the summer. Diana was protective of her baby sister, Christina recalls. They once had to hightail it home after Diana punched an older girl for giving Christina a dirty look. She was also creative and loved to sing and draw. Christina remembers a large sketchbook full of her drawings, pictures of animals and landscapes and other reflections of a child's imaginations. Her favorite song to sing was Amy Grant's “El Shaddai.”

At home in Celina, Ohio, where she lives with her husband and youngest daughter, Christina pulls two thick, leather-bound Bibles off a shelf. They belonged to her mother before she died in 2012. Tucked between the pages inside are yellowed pieces of paper, worn from being folded and pressed over decades. A penciled outline of a bunny rabbit Diana had drawn as a child. Notes Christina had scrawled her mother and sister as an elementary student. And a short letter written in blue-inked cursive handwriting her mother had written Christina before she died. After Diana left, her mother didn't talk about it much. The letter, Christina says, is difficult to read now.

“If our Diana should come back to us, tell her that I love her and I never stopped loving her,” the letter reads. “I know why she left and why she felt like she could not come home.”

Her mother had also left Christina her personal diaries, which told a haunting tale of a past Christina never knew. She won't share the contents but says she now has an idea of why Diana was always running away.

“I didn't understand why she left,” Christina says. “I felt that she didn't love us. I just thought she didn't care about us and didn't want to be around us.”

This sense of abandonment is common among those who have had a loved one go missing, says Ken Yeager, licensed social worker and professor of psychiatry at Ohio State. So, too, is a feeling of guilt.

“A lot of times, they come to the conclusion it's their fault,” he says. “If you had [someone go missing] in your life, would you not worry about something you said to them? ‘Is it something I did?' ” These distorted views make coping difficult.

Yeager is the director of the Ohio State medical center's Stress Trauma and Resilience (STAR) program, which offers therapy and counseling to families and caregivers who have experienced traumatic losses or life events. About two percent of those they serve have had a loved one go missing.

To help patients process these emotions in a healthy way, Yeager says therapists often use cognitive-behavioral therapy. “People see things and process things through a variety of filters. And they begin to assign meanings to these, and sometimes the meanings get distorted.” The goal of therapy is to “help the person understand what those [thoughts] are about—if they're distorted, if they're accurate—and helping them to process through those.” Healing involves releasing guilt or blame, he says.

Healing also requires grieving.

Someone whose loved one has gone missing experiences grief much differently than someone who is mourning death. Often, it's trickier, which Yeager attributes to not having answers.

“[It's] very different because people don't ever want to give up hope. The person is always walking that line of hope and reality. In many ways, it's similar to the [death] of a loved one, because you have a million missed moments. But there's no placing closure on it. For some people, they're just not able to walk away from that without knowing what happened.”

The fear of the unknown is another complication. It's common, he says, for people to imagine the missing person in a harmful situation. “Are they homeless? Are they injured on the side of the road and no one knows they're there? Are they held captive? All of those thoughts run rampant, and there's a tremendous amount of helplessness.”

Christina says images of these scenarios and more had often run through her mind over the past two decades. But she tried to remain positive and imagine her sister had found a better life somewhere else and was happy.

Now, she knows what happened. She has the answer. Still, it offers her little respite.

As her father lay dying in a cancer treatment hospital last year, he drew Christina close to him and asked of her a favor. She cries as she recounts what he said: “Can you please try to find your sister? This is something that your mom and I have wanted for a long time. I want to find her before I die.”

And so she began her hunt. At first, she was reluctant. What if Diana didn't want to be found? But she knew this is what her family needed.

In April 2013, she contacted the Reynoldsburg police to report her sister missing. (She said her mother had filed a missing persons report back in the 1990s, but there was little to be done because Diana was an adult who had left on her own free will. Eventually she hired a private investigator, to no avail.)

She reached out to people who knew Diana and to members of their former church. She heard all sorts of rumors: Diana was married with a child and living in Westerville. She was living in California running a drug-rehab center. Christina looked on Facebook, searched missing-persons websites and eventually connected with a missing-persons advocate based in Cincinnati who helped her create a profile for Diana in the National Missing and Unidentified Persons System (NamUs), a free online database that contains records of unsolved missing-and unidentified-persons cases nationwide. It cross-references DNA between the two in an attempt to match missing people with unidentified remains.

More than 17,000 missing-person cases have been reported to NamUs, funded by the National Institute of Justice, since its inception in 2007. As of June, 337 unidentified human remains had been linked to missing-person cases through the database.

This is how Diana Smith was linked to a homicide that had been unsolved in California since 1991. The remains of a female who had been shot to death had been found by the side of a highway and remained unidentified until Diana's case was entered into NamUs last year. A detective with the San Bernardino police department called Christina this winter with the news.

Christina won't discuss the details or the circumstances of her sister's death. She doesn't need to. All that matters is Diana isn't coming back.

“It's just not fair,” she says. “I feel like my whole family was [robbed].”

She recently wrote a heartfelt letter to Diana, something her aunt suggested might help her heal. Writing about her grief did help her mourn, she said, but knowing Diana's fate doesn't bring her any closer to finding peace.

“I know the outcome; I know where she is,” she says. “But there are still a lot of unhealed wounds.”

To experience a loss like this, in many ways, is like experiencing a death twice, says Kristen Santel, a licensed social worker in Columbus who specializes in trauma and grief. Not knowing still gives a person hope; knowing can take it all away. Sometimes, she says, people wish they could go back to not knowing.

“The not knowing keeps the hope alive,” Santel says. “But it also requires so much emphasis on the person's possible death and the possible pain and misery. It takes away from the memory of the person's beautiful life.”

For those still seeking answers, the wait is agonizing.

--

Robin Stepp thinks about her son, Cody, every day. The last time she saw him, he was an energetic, tow-headed 3-year-old with blue eyes and chubby cheeks. That was 17 years ago.

Aaron Cody Stepp was living with Robin's younger sister and mother on the South Side when he disappeared from a neighbor's yard in 1997. Robin's sister was Cody's legal guardian while Robin was serving a prison sentence for prostitution and theft. The day her sister and mother reported him missing was the day before Robin was to be released. She watched the city-wide search for her son—choppers soaring over streets, police officers and dogs scanning nearby woods—on a local news broadcast. Robin's theory, one that's backed by Columbus missing-persons detective Robin Tucker, who has been investigating the case since 2011, is Cody was handed over to another family member and could be in West Virginia or Kentucky, where Robin has relatives. Her sister failed a polygraph test shortly after Cody's disappearance, but there's no solid evidence of her involvement. To make matters worse, Robin's sister and mother have since died.

In 2012, there was a break in the case Robin was sure would lead her to her son. Investigators found a teen by the name of Aaron Cody Stepp who matched a description of Cody, based on an image of what he might look like as an adult generated from photos of him as a toddler. They traveled to Kentucky to collect the teen's DNA and compare it to Robin's. It wasn't a match.

Robin hasn't given up hope, though. Detectives are working on yet another lead.

“I hope it'll be my son we find this time,” says Robin, who says she's been clean for four years. “I just want him found and brought home. It's been too many years.”

Though less than 2 percent of participants in the STAR program are in this type of situation, Yeager says the community of people looking for a missing loved one is more prevalent than one might expect.

“The missing-persons population or the population of parents of murdered children—you don't think they're very big until you go to one of their groups and see that they're a lot bigger than you'd think,” he says.

The STAR program offers group therapy sessions, and Yeager recommends families join other support groups as well. While there's no official network of survivors in Ohio, oftentimes support groups form organically.

Lori Davis has seen this firsthand. Davis, a web designer by trade, has been an unofficial advocate for missing people in Ohio ever since she offered to help update the website created by friends and family for Brian Shaffer, findbrianshaffer.com. Brian's father, Randy, called her soon after she reached out.

“He was trying to do anything he could to find his son,” she says. Davis took over managing the website, which contains details of Brian's case and posts updates. She also created a Facebook page for Brian. A friendship formed between their families; hers would attend prayer vigils for Brian, and the Shaffers would attend her backyard cookouts. She spoke to Randy on the day he died, just hours before a tree crushed him in his backyard during a storm.

“I had promised Randy that I would never give up on Brian,” she says. “I've just tried to keep that promise.”

As she focused on spreading the word about Brian's case, she began to realize just how many more missing people there were in Ohio.

“I started seeing all these faces, and I thought, ‘They've got a family. They might just be one person, but this is somebody's son or daughter.' They all deserve to be looked for.”

So she started another Facebook page: Missing Person from Ohio, where she regularly posts information about missing children and adults throughout the state, including breaking news reports and other stories. She often receives messages and emails from parents of other missing people in Ohio, seeking help and direction. She'll tell them where to start and show them how to create a missing-person profile on NamUs and the Ohio attorney general's database. She's also seen how families connect with one another—attending each other's fundraisers and spreading the word about cases.

Sometimes, she says, she'll receive a note saying a loved one has been found. Her work is a small but thoughtful effort. It's her way of supporting suffering families and providing to them what she'd want most if ever placed in the same situation.

Says Davis, “I feel like I'm doing something that can give somebody hope.”

Ohio Missing Persons Cases by the Numbers

•  22,911 Ohioans reported missing to the National Crime Information Center last year

•  4,515 missing persons reports received by the Columbus Division of Police last year

•  90,000 estimated people currently missing in the U.S., according to the National Missing and Unidentified Person System

•  337 missing person cases resolved through NamUs since its inception in 2007

Resources

Experts recommend reaching out to counselors, therapists or support groups when experiencing traumatic grief. here are a few resources avail- able to those seeking help.

•  Stress, Trauma and Resilience (STAR) Program, psychiatry.osu.edu/about/starprogram

•  Dublin Counseling Center and northwest Counseling services, syntero.org

•  The National Child Traumatic stress network, nctsn.org

•  Mount Carmel Crime & Trauma Assistance, mountcarmelhealth.com/crime-trauma-assistance

•  International Society for Traumatic stress studies, istss.org

•  The Dougy Center, dougy.org

•  National Center for Missing & Exploited Children, missingkids.com

•  CUE Center for Missing Persons, ncimissingpersons.org

How to report a missing person

Contact your local law enforcement agency to report a missing person. To submit a tip regarding a missing person in Ohio, call the ohio Attorney General's tip line at 800-282-3784. to submit a tip regarding a missing person in Columbus, call the Central Ohio Crime Stoppers tip line at 614-461-8477.

http://www.columbusmonthly.com/content/stories/2014/09/when-missing-persons-cases-go-cold.html

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New ISIS Recording Urges Muslims to Kill Civilians in US-Led Coalition Countries

by BRIAN ROSS and ANTHONY CASTELLANO

A 42-minute audio recording by an ISIS spokesman was released on social media Sunday, in which the group calls on Muslims to kill civilians in countries that belong to the anti-ISIS U.S.-led coalition.

"If you can kill a disbelieving American or European - especially the spiteful and filthy French - or an Australian, or a Canadian, or any other disbeliever, then rely upon Allah, and kill him in any manner or way however it may be," an ISIS spokesman says.

This latest threat comes as ISIS posts new pictures of some of its British recruits, and President Obama heads to the UN to seek an international effort to stop such ISIS fighters from traveling unimpeded to spread their war of terror.

But U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Samantha Power told George Stephanopoulos on "This Week," stopping the threat from ISIS and its fighters won't happen anytime soon.

"We think again the strategy can succeed, and most importantly that we have the greatest military in the world, they believe that," Power said. "I think the president has said it will be over several years."

U.S. and British authorities this morning are also bracing for word on the fate of ISIS hostage Alan Henning.

Over the weekend there were new pleas for mercy from his wife and from leaders of the Muslim community, even al Qaeda, that he be spared because the one time British taxi driver only went to Syria as a driver for an Islamic relief mission.

http://abcnews.go.com/Blotter/isis-recording-urges-muslims-kill-civilians-us-led/story?id=25669372

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Opinion

ISIL Is Contained And That Should Be Good Enough

by Christopher Bolan

You wouldn't know it from the threat inflation (see here and here) by U.S. senior officials and politicians concerning the Islamic State — aka ISIL, ISIS, ISI, and AQI — but this terrorist threat is already successfully contained and poses little immediate or direct threat to American interests in the region or globally.

Yes, Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel claimed that ISIL is an “imminent threat to every interest we have.” But let's evaluate that assertion based on the evidence against the enduring national interests as articulated in the 2010 National Security Strategy.

Oil & Economic prosperity: ISIL has seized control of oil production facilities and is making money from illicit oil smuggling through Turkey, Syria, and Kurdish Iraq. But U.S. interests are primarily tied to the global price of oil and ensuring open access to the rich energy reserves of the region. This combination ensures competitively priced oil that literally fuels global economic growth. Oil prices continue to fall and the U.S. Energy Information Administration has revised its long-range outlook predicting prices “below $100 a barrel until early in the next decade.”

Homeland security: The barbarity of the beheadings of two American journalists and a British aid worker broadcast in videos viewed across the world have served dual interests of the these terrorists: to inspire fear among the public; and provoke an overreaction by status quo powers. Surveys suggest that (aided by threat exaggerations referred to above) a majority of the American public is convinced that ISIL has the ability to strike targets in the United States. But career-professional security and intelligence experts reviewing the actual evidence have drawn the opposite conclusion. Secretary of Homeland Security Jeh Johnson earlier this month admitted, “we have no credible information that ISIL is planning to attack the homeland of the United States.” Meanwhile, National Counterterrorism Center Director Matthew Olsen, in a speech at the Brookings Institute, stated that ISIL is not capable of carrying out large-scale attacks and noted that the United States is “so much better postured, in so many ways, to see, detect, stop any attack like what we saw on 9/11.”

Now none of these statements mean that there is absolutely no risk of attacks inspired by ISIL or its ilk. As reports from Australia suggest, there will always be a few psychopathic killers who will find perverse inspiration from the hatred and false religion espoused by groups such as ISIL. But the best solutions to these thankfully few and far between threats are essentially defensive: focused intelligence, professional law enforcement, and effective border controls.

International Order & Regional Stability: ISIL has clearly taken advantage of the ungoverned spaces left in the wake of Syria's bloody civil war. It also has managed to find temporary allies in the alienated Sunni communities of Iraq as a result of Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki's Shi'a sectarian rule in Baghdad. But ISIL has at best some 30,000 fighters mostly equipped with small arms including rifles and a few artillery pieces, although it has been able to add to this arsenal thanks to the vehicles and armaments seized from fleeing U.S. equipped Iraqi forces. They are opposed by a U.S.-equipped and trained Iraqi active frontline military estimated at 271,500 and equipped with main battle tanks, heavy artillery, and armored personnel carriers. Moreover, U.S., Russian, and Iranian fighter aircraft conducting supportive strikes are supporting these Iraqi forces. ISIL simply does not have the military capacity to seriously threaten the larger global or regional order (such as it is in the wake of the Arab uprisings, but that's for another posting). While ISIL has taken advantage of the chaos in Syria and boiling sectarian tensions in Iraq, it is not the proximate cause for either of these conflicts.

Respect for universal values: ISIL's brutality and abusive rule is obviously contrary to the Western liberal values of freedom and basic human dignity. However, the same can be said of virtually any violent criminal or extremist group. For instance, Mexican drug cartels conducted nearly 50 beheadings in a single month, have killed some 55,000, and aside from sharing a lengthy border with the United States, already have a major presence inside the country and have targeted and killed U.S. Customs officials. Why is ISIL's brutality any more offensive to U.S. values than that of other terrorist or criminal groups?

President Obama: Even in his speech justifying additional U.S. military action against ISIL, President Barack Obama offered a distinctly qualified assessment of the threat from ISIL. Specifically, he asserted that “If left unchecked, [ISIL] could pose a growth threat beyond that region, including to the United States.” [emphasis mine] The fact is ISIL is already being actively opposed by numerous actors throughout the region — Kurdish peshmerga, elements of the Iraqi military, Iraqi Shi'a militias, Iran, and Syria. (Including the government, the Free Syrian Army, and other opposition groups, such as ISIL's fellow Islamist extremist groups. Yes, politics makes for strange bedfellows.) Moreover, Obama's use of the word “could” itself is an open admission that ISIL is not an immediate threat, but rather one that might emerge over the course of time.

Given all of the above, it's apparent that a contained ISIL is demonstrably not an immediate threat to vital U.S. national security interests in the region. In an age of fiscal austerity and after more than a decade of war in Iraq and Afghanistan yielding little in tangible benefits, containment of ISIL is a responsible, feasible, achievable, and entirely sensible American strategic objective.

Little else by the U.S. needs to be done. ISIL has already been effectively contained by its own overreach and the fear it has inspired throughout the region. In military terms, it has reached a culminating point. ISIL's appeal is limited to disenfranchised Sunni Arab communities that have been marginalized politically and savagely attacked by sectarian Shi'a and Alawite leaders in Baghdad and Damascus. Moreover, the desert area between Iraq and Syria is effectively surrounded by ISIL's natural and mortal enemies (in the north by Kurds in Syria and Iraq; in the east by Shi'a Iran; in the south by Shi'a Iraqis, and the west by Alawite and Druze Syrian communities). As Tom Friedman and Rami Khouri have recently editorialized, the long-term solution to these violent Islamist extremist groups must come from the Arab societies and governments from which they spring.

Despite this evidence, however, many insist that more must be done by the U.S. government to destroy ISIL. But advocates of this more expansive objective must convincingly answer several questions associated with an approach involving deeper U.S. military engagement.

First and foremost, the United States deployed hundreds of thousands of combat troops who engaged in counterterrorism and counterinsurgency operations in Iraq and Afghanistan for more than a decade, at a cost of several trillion dollars. In addition, thousands of U.S. servicemen and women were killed, and tens of thousands wounded. Yet these monumental efforts failed to prevent the emergence of al-Qaeda in Iraq or its subsequent manifestations including ISIL. What is different about the situation now? Why should anyone expect that this new military campaign involving far fewer military resources will succeed when prior campaigns have failed?

Secondly, how do supporters of a broader U.S. military campaign address the absence of committed, effective, and reliable regional powers willing to stand against ISIL?There is a new prime minister in Baghdad, but he comes from the same sectarian background as Maliki. Do we have evidence he will implement (not just promise) policies that will be substantively more inclusive of Iraq's Sunni and Kurdish minorities? Doesn't deeper U.S. military commitments in the absence of these concrete reforms actually decrease his incentive to take these difficult political steps?

Moreover, governments bordering ISIL are questionable partners at best. Turkey (out of concerns for its hostages who were being held captive by ISIL in Mosul, and alarmist worries about Kurdish desires for independence being further enabled by increased U.S. military assistance) has openly refused to participate in the U.S. strategy articulated by Obama. Meanwhile, U.S. official policy is to oust Syrian President Bashir al-Assad thereby imposing inherent limitations on the cooperation we are likely to get from this neighboring country. Finally, although it would make perfect sense to cooperate with Iran against Sunni extremist elements such as ISIL, domestic politics and other foreign policy concerns on both sides are already handicapping any joint efforts from this important regional player bordering Iraq. This doesn't even get into the double games being played by Gulf countries, including Saudi Arabia — a country genuinely threatened by ISIL's religious claims to the caliphate yet at the same time one that is funding and spreading reactionary Wahhabi interpretations of Islam fueling these same extremist groups — and Qatar — a small player punching well above its geopolitical weight, and whose official position is to support radical extremist groups in Syria and elsewhere in the region.

Thirdly, a strategy reliant largely on the exercise of military power risks undermining international and domestic law, to the detriment of U.S. interests. How do advocates of yet another war in the Middle East spearheaded by the United States avoid further damage to the perceived legitimacy of U.S. military actions both here and abroad? Obama has given no indication of whether he will appeal to the U.N. Security Council to gain international support for military action in Syria. Moreover, no such approval is likely given the near-certain opposition from Moscow. The absence of support in the United Nations, however, undermines the legitimacy of U.S. military actions in the eyes of many, to include those from Arab publics on whom we will depend to discredit, isolate, and ultimately destroy violent extremist Islamist groups such as ISIL. U.S. military strikes will also inevitably play into the Islamist narrative that the United States is at war with Islam, swelling the recruiting ranks for ISIL and any subsequent variants.

Perhaps even more importantly, President Obama has not committed to seeking an up or down congressional vote authorizing expanded U.S. military attacks against ISIL. President George H.W. Bush courageously did so in advance of Desert Storm in 1990, successfully securing support in a divided Congress, and as a result, largely united the country and world behind his military campaign to oust Saddam Hussein from Kuwait. Our national values are indeed our greatest moral strength and have been seriously tarnished by panic-inspired policies in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of 9/11, including the official sanction and use of torture in interrogations, indefinite detentions without trial, and spying on U.S. citizens by our domestic intelligence agencies. An express congressional authorization (if not a formal declaration of war) for expanded military attacks against ISIL in Iraq and Syria would at least show the world that we comply with U.S. law even during difficult times (when it matters most).

Finally, despite Obama's sincere desire to divest the country from expensive and “dumb” wars in the Middle East, his decision to launch another preventive war in this region already racked by civil war and rife with sectarian tensions virtually ensures a continuation of America's forever war. To paraphrase Gen. David Petraeus, can anyone tell us how this ends?

Dr. Christopher Bolan is a Professor of National Security Affairs at The U.S. Army War College. The views expressed are his own.

http://warontherocks.com/2014/09/isil-is-contained-and-that-should-be-good-enough/

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Resources to help prevent police officer suicide

Have you seen a fellow officer who suddenly begins taking unnecessary risks on and off duty? Have you observed a shift in attitude and/or demeanor, like a change from motivated and professional to apathetic and flippant? Perhaps a cop you know has begun to show increased signs of aggressiveness and/or chronic anger.

Have you witnessed a colleague suddenly increase alcohol consumption and/or have a loss in interest in recreational things the officer previously liked to do?

Have you heard a cop on your PD suddenly begin talking about death, dying, or suicide? Perhaps an officer in your ranks made statements of hopelessness like:

• “None of this really matters anyway.”

• “I don't even know why we try out here.”

• “We can't really do anything anyway.”

• “This is a losing battle and I'm tired of it.”

Have you observed any of the above in the person you see in the mirror every day before your shift?

If so, you may have an opportunity to save a life (maybe even your own), because those are among the behaviors commonly seen in an individual contemplating suicide.

More cops commit suicide than are feloniously killed in the line of duty — depending on whose data you site, somewhere between 125 and 150 officers reportedly kill themselves annually. Even one officer taking his or her own life is too many.

Wednesday, September 10, 2014 is World Suicide Prevention Day. Let's use this day as the starting point in changing police culture, and preventing police suicide. As PoliceOne Columnist Larry Miller wrote in this article, “There has to be a convenient and non-stigmatized system for referring distressed officers for psychological help, and this must be framed in health-maintenance context, not as a disciplinary procedure.”

Emotional survival is just as critical as physical survival, and yet it is all too frequently insufficiently addressed — and in worst case scenarios, mental health issues are ignored altogether, both by the affected officer and the command staff in charge of their wellbeing.

As was stated in the IACP report Breaking the Silence on Law Enforcement Suicides, “From body armor to firearms training and on-site gyms and fitness programs, there are numerous measures in place to ensure an officer's physical safety. But what is the profession doing to protect and support the mental health of officers? Tragically, many agencies lack the resources and the critical guidance to improve and protect their officers/ mental health and wellness.”

Among the many resources offered by IACP on this matter, a good place to start is with their publication entitled Developing a Law Enforcement Suicide Prevention Campaign Using Public Health Principles.

Whether you're a beat cop or among the command staff of your agency, ensure you're able to recognize the signs of potentially suicidal behavior, both in yourself and in fellow officers, and that you feel confident enough to take the appropriate steps to help stop a potentially devastating downward spiral.

The American Association of Suicidology has created a mnemonic to help you recognize the warning signs that someone may be contemplating suicide. The mnemonic is “IS PATH WARM” and I've pasted it below:

I Ideation
S Substance Abuse

P Purposelessness
A Anxiety
T Trapped
H Hopelessness

W Withdrawal
A Anger
R Recklessness
M Mood Changes

Check out the excellent video — entitled Breaking the Silence: Preventing Suicide in Law Enforcement — embedded below. At the end of it there are numerous resources listed, and to make it easier for you to access them I'm put a number of links to those and other resources here.

• CopLine

• Safe Call Now

• Serve & Protect

• Badge of Life

• Code 9 Officer Needs Assistance Documentary

• National Police Suicide Foundation

• National Suicide Prevention Lifeline

• The Pain Behind the Badge

• DOJ Report on Suicide and Law Enforcement

PoliceOne Contributor Olivia Johnson — the Illinois State Representative and Board Member for the National P.O.L.I.C.E. Suicide Foundation and founder of the Blue Wall Institute http://www.bw-institute.com/ — summed it up by noting that suicide does not end the pain. It just transfers it to others.

“Many individuals contemplating suicide may see the act as a way out or as a 'solution' to a problem. This could not be farther from the truth. A death by suicide leaves so many unanswered questions, so many pointing fingers with blame and guilt, and it can even open the door for others to contemplate the act themselves.

“No matter what you are struggling with or trying to deal with, you are not alone. What I can tell you is that choosing to end one's life does not allow for the possibility to ever find happiness. It never allows for the thought of a bright future. It may be difficult to see brighter days ahead, but they are there and there are people ready and willing right now to help you through the darkness and to walk with you back into the light. Please reach out today because someone is counting on you tomorrow,” Johnson said.

http://www.policeone.com/columnists/doug-wyllie/tips/7546015-resources-to-help-prevent-police-officer-suicide/

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Children's Rights Groups Against Giving School Cops Military Hardware

by Susan Ferriss

From The Center for Public Integrity:

More than 20 national education and civil rights advocates sent a letter Monday to Department of Defense officials, urging them to stop giving U.S. school police departments anti-mine vehicles, military-grade firearms like M16s and even grenade launchers.

News reports and lists of recipients of surplus hardware reveal that assault-style rifles, armored vehicles and other military supplies have been handed over to school districts large and small, from California, Texas, Nevada and Utah to Florida, Georgia, Kansas and Michigan.

In California, the San Diego Unified School District acquired an 18-ton Mine-Resistant Ambush Protected vehicle, called an MRAP, through the DOD's 1033 program to transfer surplus supplies to civilian law enforcement. In June, the Los Angeles Unified School District also received an MRAP, which was designed to protect U.S. troops under attack in Iraq.

Over time, the LA school police also have received 61 M-16 rifles and three grenade launchers that have never been used.

“Adding the presence of military-grade weapons to school climates that have become increasingly hostile due to their over-reliance on police to handle routine student discipline can only exacerbate existing tensions,” said the protest letter, signed by the NAACP's Legal Defense and Education Fund and public-interest law groups Texas Appleseed of Austin, Texas, and Public Counsel, which is based in Los Angeles.

Controversy over so-called militarization of school police comes just as the LA district is enacting policies that limit ticketing of students for minor infractions and curb the controversial use of officers in school discipline, as the Center for Public Integrity has reported.

Both Texas Appleseed and Public Counsel have been active in pushing for states and districts to reform policies regarding how school police are deployed on campuses.

Other signatories to the letter objecting to military hardware for school police include the Children's Law Center, the Education Law Center, the National Center for Youth Law, the Advancement Project — also active in urging school police reforms — and the LA-based Labor-Community Strategy Center.

Scrutiny of transfers of military supplies from the DOD's Defense Logistics Agency erupted following revelations that many city police departments have been accumulating military hardware designed primarily for war.

Among the cities that obtained military equipment for free, or just for delivery costs, was Ferguson, Mo., where local police rolled out armored vehicles and officers in combat-like gear to respond to protests in August over an officer's fatal shooting of unarmed black teenager Michael Brown.

President Barack Obama in August ordered a review of the 1033 program. The Defense Logistics Agency did not respond immediately to a request for a comment on the letter regarding school police. But on Sept. 9, a Defense Department official addressed the 1033 program's provision of hardware to law enforcement in general during a hearing before the Senate Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs.

Each state has a 1033 program state coordinator who is appointed by the state's governor and who approves law enforcement agencies that apply to participate in the program. The state coordinator also screens and approves requests those agencies make for items listed in catalogues, explained Alan Estevez, principal deputy undersecretary of defense for acquisition, logistics and technology.

“It is worth noting that we are not ‘pushing' equipment on any police force,” Estevez said. He said the Defense Logistics Agency conducts a basic review of requests based on size of a department. For example, he said, a law enforcement department of 10 officers would not receive 20 M16 rifles.

The letter objecting to the program noted that 10 Texas school districts, the most reported in one state so far, have been receiving DOD hardware.

“Altogether, these 10 districts have received 64 M-16 rifles, 18 M-14 rifles, 25 automatic pistols, extended magazines and 4,500 rounds of ammunition,” the letter said. “Some of these Texas districts received armored plating, tactical vests and military vehicles.”

Texas' Edinburg Consolidated Independent School District, which has 33,500 students, has outfitted its own SWAT team with these supplies, the letter said.

Deborah Fowler, deputy director of Texas Appleseed, said militarization of police runs contrary to efforts to prevent excessive use of force against students.

“Military-grade weapons have no place on our public school campuses,” Fowler said. “We have already seen the way that much more common weapons — like Tasers and pepper spray — can be misused in school settings, and know that excessive use of force in schools is often targeted at young people of color and students with disabilities.”

In Aledo, Texas, the town's school police — in a district of 5,000 students — have decided to return five U.S. military rifles officers obtained from the 1033 program, according to a recent report in the Fort Worth Star-Telegram. The department has seven full-time officers and 11 reserve officers.

In Los Angeles, Manuel Criollo, an organizer with the Labor-Community Strategy Center, called on the LA school district to return the military hardware. “The intersection of criminalization and militarization in our schools should be rejected,” said Criollo, who helped draft the LA school police policies.

LA school police chief Steve Zimmerman said the MRAP was obtained as a way to transport schoolchildren in the event of a large-scale attack, according to the Los Angeles Daily News.

The chief is now evaluating whether the vehicle and grenade launchers are necessary, the newspaper said. The school police have an agreement with city police and county sheriff's deputies to provide support in the event of civil unrest, according to Zimmerman, and the grenade launchers were to be outfitted to fire rubber bullets.

http://jjie.org/childrens-rights-groups-against-giving-school-cops-military-hardware/107623/?utm_source=JJIE+Website+Updates&utm_campaign=dd46a35f79-Weekly_Newsletter_September_4_2014&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_a8f2f6272f-dd46a35f79-184591713